pedicab 0.1.5 → 0.1.7

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Files changed (42) hide show
  1. checksums.yaml +4 -4
  2. data/#README.md# +51 -0
  3. data/Gemfile.lock +49 -0
  4. data/books/Arnold_Bennett-How_to_Live_on_24_Hours_a_Day.txt +1247 -0
  5. data/books/Edward_L_Bernays-crystallizing_public_opinion.txt +4422 -0
  6. data/books/Emma_Goldman-Anarchism_and_Other_Essays.txt +7654 -0
  7. data/books/Office_of_Strategic_Services-Simple_Sabotage_Field_Manual.txt +1057 -0
  8. data/books/Sigmund_Freud-Group_Psychology_and_The_Analysis_of_The_Ego.txt +2360 -0
  9. data/books/Steve_Hassan-The_Bite_Model.txt +130 -0
  10. data/books/Steve_Hassan-The_Bite_Model.txt~ +132 -0
  11. data/books/Sun_Tzu-Art_of_War.txt +159 -0
  12. data/books/Sun_Tzu-Art_of_War.txt~ +166 -0
  13. data/books/US-Constitution.txt +502 -0
  14. data/books/US-Constitution.txt~ +502 -0
  15. data/books/cia-kubark.txt +4637 -0
  16. data/books/machiavelli-the_prince.txt +4599 -0
  17. data/books/sun_tzu-art_of_war.txt +1017 -0
  18. data/books/us_army-bayonette.txt +843 -0
  19. data/lib/pedicab/calc.rb~ +8 -0
  20. data/lib/pedicab/link.rb +38 -0
  21. data/lib/pedicab/link.rb~ +14 -0
  22. data/lib/pedicab/mark.rb +9 -0
  23. data/lib/pedicab/mark.rb~ +5 -0
  24. data/lib/pedicab/on.rb +6 -0
  25. data/lib/pedicab/on.rb~ +6 -0
  26. data/lib/pedicab/poke.rb +14 -0
  27. data/lib/pedicab/poke.rb~ +15 -0
  28. data/lib/pedicab/query.rb +92 -0
  29. data/lib/pedicab/query.rb~ +93 -0
  30. data/lib/pedicab/rank.rb +92 -0
  31. data/lib/pedicab/rank.rb~ +89 -0
  32. data/lib/pedicab/ride.rb +109 -0
  33. data/lib/pedicab/ride.rb~ +101 -0
  34. data/lib/pedicab/version.rb +1 -1
  35. data/pedicab-0.1.0.gem +0 -0
  36. data/pedicab-0.1.1.gem +0 -0
  37. data/pedicab-0.1.2.gem +0 -0
  38. data/pedicab-0.1.3.gem +0 -0
  39. data/pedicab-0.1.4.gem +0 -0
  40. data/pedicab-0.1.5.gem +0 -0
  41. data/pedicab-0.1.6.gem +0 -0
  42. metadata +40 -1
@@ -0,0 +1,2360 @@
1
+ The contrast between Individual Psychology and Social or Group[1]
2
+ Psychology, which at a first glance may seem to be full of significance,
3
+ loses a great deal of its sharpness when it is examined more closely. It
4
+ is true that Individual Psychology is concerned with the individual man
5
+ and explores the paths by which he seeks to find satisfaction for his
6
+ instincts; but only rarely and under certain exceptional conditions is
7
+ Individual Psychology in a position to disregard the relations of this
8
+ individual to others. In the individual's mental life someone else is
9
+ invariably involved, as a model, as an object, as a helper, as an
10
+ opponent, and so from the very first Individual Psychology is at the
11
+ same time Social Psychology as well--in this extended but entirely
12
+ justifiable sense of the words.
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+
14
+ The relations of an individual to his parents and to his brothers and
15
+ sisters, to the object of his love, and to his physician--in fact all
16
+ the relations which have hitherto been the chief subject of
17
+ psycho-analytic research--may claim to be considered as social
18
+ phenomena; and in this respect they may be contrasted with certain other
19
+ processes, described by us as 'narcissistic', in which the satisfaction
20
+ of the instincts is partially or totally withdrawn from the influence of
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+ other people. The contrast between social and narcissistic--Bleuler
22
+ would perhaps call them 'autistic'--mental acts therefore falls wholly
23
+ within the domain of Individual Psychology, and is not well calculated
24
+ to differentiate it from a Social or Group Psychology.
25
+
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+ The individual in the relations which have already been mentioned--to
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+ his parents and to his brothers and sisters, to the person he is in love
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+ with, to his friend, and to his physician--comes under the influence of
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+ only a single person, or of a very small number of persons, each one of
30
+ whom has become enormously important to him. Now in speaking of Social
31
+ or Group Psychology it has become usual to leave these relations on one
32
+ side and to isolate as the subject of inquiry the influencing of an
33
+ individual by a large number of people simultaneously, people with whom
34
+ he is connected by something, though otherwise they may in many respects
35
+ be strangers to him. Group Psychology is therefore concerned with the
36
+ individual man as a member of a race, of a nation, of a caste, of a
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+ profession, of an institution, or as a component part of a crowd of
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+ people who have been organised into a group at some particular time for
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+ some definite purpose. When once natural continuity has been severed in
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+ this way, it is easy to regard the phenomena that appear under these
41
+ special conditions as being expressions of a special instinct that is
42
+ not further reducible, the social instinct ('herd instinct', 'group
43
+ mind'), which does not come to light in any other situations. But we may
44
+ perhaps venture to object that it seems difficult to attribute to the
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+ factor of number a significance so great as to make it capable by itself
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+ or arousing in our mental life a new instinct that is otherwise not
47
+ brought into play. Our expectation is therefore directed towards two
48
+ other possibilities: that the social instinct may not be a primitive one
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+ and insusceptible of dissection, and that it may be possible to discover
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+ the beginnings of its development in a narrower circle, such as that of
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+ the family.
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+
53
+ Although Group Psychology is only in its infancy, it embraces an immense
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+ number of separate issues and offers to investigators countless
55
+ problems which have hitherto not even been properly distinguished from
56
+ one another. The mere classification of the different forms of group
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+ formation and the description of the mental phenomena produced by them
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+ require a great expenditure of observation and exposition, and have
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+ already given rise to a copious literature. Anyone who compares the
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+ narrow dimensions of this little book with the extent of Group
61
+ Psychology will at once be able to guess that only a few points chosen
62
+ from the whole material are to be dealt with here. And they will in fact
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+ only be a few questions with which the depth-psychology of
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+ psycho-analysis is specially concerned.
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+
66
+ Instead of starting from a definition, it seems more useful to begin
67
+ with some indication of the range of the phenomena under review, and to
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+ select from among them a few specially striking and characteristic facts
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+ to which our inquiry can be attached. We can achieve both of these aims
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+ by means of quotation from Le Bon's deservedly famous work _Psychologie
71
+ des foules_.[2]
72
+
73
+ Let us make the matter clear once again. If a Psychology, concerned with
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+ exploring the predispositions, the instincts, the motives and the aims
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+ of an individual man down to his actions and his relations with those
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+ who are nearest to him, had completely achieved its task, and had
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+ cleared up the whole of these matters with their inter-connections, it
78
+ would then suddenly find itself confronted by a new task which would lie
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+ before it unachieved. It would be obliged to explain the surprising
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+ fact that under a certain condition this individual whom it had come to
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+ understand thought, felt, and acted in quite a different way from what
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+ would have been expected. And this condition is his insertion into a
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+ collection of people which has acquired the characteristic of a
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+ 'psychological group'. What, then, is a 'group'? How does it acquire the
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+ capacity for exercising such a decisive influence over the mental life
86
+ of the individual? And what is the nature of the mental change which it
87
+ forces upon the individual?
88
+
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+ It is the task of a theoretical Group Psychology to answer these three
90
+ questions. The best way of approaching them is evidently to start with
91
+ the third. Observation of the changes in the individual's reactions is
92
+ what provides Group Psychology with its material; for every attempt at
93
+ an explanation must be preceded by a description of the thing that is to
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+ be explained.
95
+
96
+ I will now let Le Bon speak for himself. He says: 'The most striking
97
+ peculiarity presented by a psychological group[3] is the following.
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+ Whoever be the individuals that compose it, however like or unlike be
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+ their mode of life, their occupations, their character, or their
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+ intelligence, the fact that they have been transformed into a group puts
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+ them in possession of a sort of collective mind which makes them feel,
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+ think, and act in a manner quite different from that in which each
103
+ individual of them would feel, think, and act were he in a state of
104
+ isolation. There are certain ideas and feelings which do not come into
105
+ being, or do not transform themselves into acts except in the case of
106
+ individuals forming a group. The psychological group is a provisional
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+ being formed of heterogeneous elements, which for a moment are combined,
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+ exactly as the cells which constitute a living body form by their
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+ reunion a new being which displays characteristics very different from
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+ those possessed by each of the cells singly.' (p. 29.)[4]
111
+
112
+ We shall take the liberty of interrupting Le Bon's exposition with
113
+ glosses of our own, and shall accordingly insert an observation at this
114
+ point. If the individuals in the group are combined into a unity, there
115
+ must surely be something to unite them, and this bond might be precisely
116
+ the thing that is characteristic of a group. But Le Bon does not answer
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+ this question; he goes on to consider the alteration which the
118
+ individual undergoes when in a group and describes it in terms which
119
+ harmonize well with the fundamental postulates of our own
120
+ depth-psychology.
121
+
122
+ 'It is easy to prove how much the individual forming part of a group
123
+ differs from the isolated individual, but it is less easy to discover
124
+ the causes of this difference.
125
+
126
+ 'To obtain at any rate a glimpse of them it is necessary in the first
127
+ place to call to mind the truth established by modern psychology, that
128
+ unconscious phenomena play an altogether preponderating part not only in
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+ organic life, but also in the operations of the intelligence. The
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+ conscious life of the mind is of small importance in comparison with its
131
+ unconscious life. The most subtle analyst, the most acute observer, is
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+ scarcely successful in discovering more than a very small number of the
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+ conscious[5] motives that determine his conduct. Our conscious acts are
134
+ the outcome of an unconscious substratum created in the mind in the main
135
+ by hereditary influences. This substratum consists of the innumerable
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+ common characteristics handed down from generation to generation, which
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+ constitute the genius of a race. Behind the avowed causes of our acts
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+ there undoubtedly lie secret causes that we do not avow, but behind
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+ these secret causes there are many others more secret still, of which we
140
+ ourselves are ignorant.[6] The greater part of our daily actions are the
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+ result of hidden motives which escape our observation.' (p. 30.)
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+
143
+ Le Bon thinks that the particular acquirements of individuals become
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+ obliterated in a group, and that in this way their distinctiveness
145
+ vanishes. The racial unconscious emerges; what is heterogeneous is
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+ submerged in what is homogeneous. We may say that the mental
147
+ superstructure, the development of which in individuals shows such
148
+ dissimilarities, is removed, and that the unconscious foundations, which
149
+ are similar in everyone, stand exposed to view.
150
+
151
+ In this way individuals in a group would come to show an average
152
+ character. But Le Bon believes that they also display new
153
+ characteristics which they have not previously possessed, and he seeks
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+ the reason for this in three different factors.
155
+
156
+ 'The first is that the individual forming part of a group acquires,
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+ solely from numerical considerations, a sentiment of invincible power
158
+ which allows him to yield to instincts which, had he been alone, he
159
+ would perforce have kept under restraint. He will be the less disposed
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+ to check himself from the consideration that, a group being anonymous,
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+ and in consequence irresponsible, the sentiment of responsibility which
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+ always controls individuals disappears entirely.' (p. 33.)
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+
164
+ From our point of view we need not attribute so much importance to the
165
+ appearance of new characteristics. For us it would be enough to say that
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+ in a group the individual is brought under conditions which allow him to
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+ throw off the repressions of his unconscious instincts. The apparently
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+ new characteristics which he then displays are in fact the
169
+ manifestations of this unconscious, in which all that is evil in the
170
+ human mind is contained as a predisposition. We can find no difficulty
171
+ in understanding the disappearance of conscience or of a sense of
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+ responsibility in these circumstances. It has long been our contention
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+ that 'dread of society [_soziale Angst_]' is the essence of what is
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+ called conscience.[7]
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+
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+ 'The second cause, which is contagion, also intervenes to determine the
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+ manifestation in groups of their special characteristics, and at the
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+ same time the trend they are to take. Contagion is a phenomenon of which
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+ it is easy to establish the presence, but that it is not easy to
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+ explain. It must be classed among those phenomena of a hypnotic order,
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+ which we shall shortly study. In a group every sentiment and act is
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+ contagious, and contagious to such a degree that an individual readily
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+ sacrifices his personal interest to the collective interest. This is an
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+ aptitude very contrary to his nature, and of which a man is scarcely
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+ capable, except when he makes part of a group.' (p. 33.)
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+
187
+ We shall later on base an important conjecture upon this last statement.
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+
189
+ 'A third cause, and by far the most important, determines in the
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+ individuals of a group special characteristics which are quite contrary
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+ at times to those presented by the isolated individual. I allude to that
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+ suggestibility of which, moreover, the contagion mentioned above is only
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+ an effect.
194
+
195
+ 'To understand this phenomenon it is necessary to bear in mind certain
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+ recent physiological discoveries. We know to-day that by various
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+ processes an individual may be brought into such a condition that,
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+ having entirely lost his conscious personality, he obeys all the
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+ suggestions of the operator who has deprived him of it, and commits acts
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+ in utter contradiction with his character and habits. The most careful
201
+ investigations seem to prove that an individual immersed for some length
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+ of time in a group in action soon finds himself--either in consequence
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+ of the magnetic influence given out by the group, or from some other
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+ cause of which we are ignorant--in a special state, which much resembles
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+ the state of fascination in which the hypnotised individual finds
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+ himself in the hands of the hypnotiser.... The conscious personality has
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+ entirely vanished; will and discernment are lost. All feelings and
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+ thoughts are bent in the direction determined by the hypnotiser.
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+
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+ 'Such also is approximately the state of the individual forming part of
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+ a psychological group. He is no longer conscious of his acts. In his
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+ case, as in the case of the hypnotised subject, at the same time that
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+ certain faculties are destroyed, others may be brought to a high degree
214
+ of exaltation. Under the influence of a suggestion, he will undertake
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+ the accomplishment of certain acts with irresistible impetuosity. This
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+ impetuosity is the more irresistible in the case of groups than in that
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+ of the hypnotised subject, from the fact that, the suggestion being the
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+ same for all the individuals of the group, it gains in strength by
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+ reciprocity.' (p. 34.)
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+
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+ 'We see, then, that the disappearance of the conscious personality, the
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+ predominance of the unconscious personality, the turning by means of
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+ suggestion and contagion of feelings and ideas in an identical
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+ direction, the tendency to immediately transform the suggested ideas
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+ into acts; these, we see, are the principal characteristics of the
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+ individual forming part of a group. He is no longer himself, but has
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+ become an automaton who has ceased to be guided by his will.' (p. 35.)
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+
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+ I have quoted this passage so fully in order to make it quite clear that
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+ Le Bon explains the condition of an individual in a group as being
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+ actually hypnotic, and does not merely make a comparison between the two
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+ states. We have no intention of raising any objection at this point, but
233
+ wish only to emphasize the fact that the two last causes of an
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+ individual becoming altered in a group (the contagion and the heightened
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+ suggestibility) are evidently not on a par, since the contagion seems
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+ actually to be a manifestation of the suggestibility. Moreover the
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+ effects of the two factors do not seem to be sharply differentiated in
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+ the text of Le Bon's remarks. We may perhaps best interpret his
239
+ statement if we connect the contagion with the effects of the individual
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+ members of the group upon one another, while we point to another source
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+ for those manifestations of suggestion in the group which are put on a
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+ level with the phenomena of hypnotic influence. But to what source? We
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+ cannot avoid being struck with a sense of deficiency when we notice that
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+ one of the chief elements of the comparison, namely the person who is to
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+ replace the hypnotist in the case of the group, is not mentioned in Le
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+ Bon's exposition. But he nevertheless distinguishes between this
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+ influence of fascination which remains plunged in obscurity and the
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+ contagious effect which the individuals exercise upon one another and by
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+ which the original suggestion is strengthened.
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+
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+ Here is yet another important consideration for helping us to understand
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+ the individual in a group: 'Moreover, by the mere fact that he forms
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+ part of an organised group, a man descends several rungs in the ladder
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+ of civilisation. Isolated, he may be a cultivated individual; in a
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+ crowd, he is a barbarian--that is, a creature acting by instinct. He
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+ possesses the spontaneity, the violence, the ferocity, and also the
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+ enthusiasm and heroism of primitive beings.' (p. 36.) He then dwells
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+ especially upon the lowering in intellectual ability which an individual
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+ experiences when he becomes merged in a group.[8]
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+
261
+ Let us now leave the individual, and turn to the group mind, as it has
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+ been outlined by Le Bon. It shows not a single feature which a
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+ psycho-analyst would find any difficulty in placing or in deriving from
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+ its source. Le Bon himself shows us the way by pointing to its
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+ similarity with the mental life of primitive people and of children (p.
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+ 40).
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+
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+ A group is impulsive, changeable and irritable. It is led almost
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+ exclusively by the unconscious.[9] The impulses which a group obeys may
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+ according to circumstances be generous or cruel, heroic or cowardly, but
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+ they are always so imperious that no personal interest, not even that of
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+ self-preservation, can make itself felt (p. 41). Nothing about it is
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+ premeditated. Though it may desire things passionately, yet this is
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+ never so for long, for it is incapable of perseverance. It cannot
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+ tolerate any delay between its desire and the fulfilment of what it
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+ desires. It has a sense of omnipotence; the notion of impossibility
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+ disappears for the individual in a group.[10]
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+
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+ A group is extraordinarily credulous and open to influence, it has no
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+ critical faculty, and the improbable does not exist for it. It thinks in
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+ images, which call one another up by association (just as they arise
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+ with individuals in states of free imagination), and whose agreement
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+ with reality is never checked by any reasonable function
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+ [_Instanz_].[11] The feelings of a group are always very simple and very
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+ exaggerated. So that a group knows neither doubt nor uncertainty.[12]
286
+
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+ It goes directly to extremes; if a suspicion is expressed, it is
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+ instantly changed into an incontrovertible certainty; a trace of
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+ antipathy is turned into furious hatred (p. 56).[13]
290
+
291
+ Inclined as it itself is to all extremes, a group can only be excited by
292
+ an excessive stimulus. Anyone who wishes to produce an effect upon it
293
+ needs no logical adjustment in his arguments; he must paint in the most
294
+ forcible colours, he must exaggerate, and he must repeat the same thing
295
+ again and again.
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+
297
+ Since a group is in no doubt as to what constitutes truth or error, and
298
+ is conscious, moreover, of its own great strength, it is as intolerant
299
+ as it is obedient to authority. It respects force and can only be
300
+ slightly influenced by kindness, which it regards merely as a form of
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+ weakness. What it demands of its heroes is strength, or even violence.
302
+ It wants to be ruled and oppressed and to fear its masters.
303
+ Fundamentally it is entirely conservative, and it has a deep aversion
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+ from all innovations and advances and an unbounded respect for tradition
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+ (p. 62).
306
+
307
+ In order to make a correct judgement upon the morals of groups, one must
308
+ take into consideration the fact that when individuals come together in
309
+ a group all their individual inhibitions fall away and all the cruel,
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+ brutal and destructive instincts, which lie dormant in individuals as
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+ relics of a primitive epoch, are stirred up to find free gratification.
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+ But under the influence of suggestion groups are also capable of high
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+ achievements in the shape of abnegation, unselfishness, and devotion to
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+ an ideal. While with isolated individuals personal interest is almost
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+ the only motive force, with groups it is very rarely prominent. It is
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+ possible to speak of an individual having his moral standards raised by
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+ a group (p. 65). Whereas the intellectual capacity of a group is always
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+ far below that of an individual, its ethical conduct may rise as high
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+ above his as it may sink deep below it.
320
+
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+ Some other features in Le Bon's description show in a clear light how
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+ well justified is the identification of the group mind with the mind of
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+ primitive people. In groups the most contradictory ideas can exist side
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+ by side and tolerate each other, without any conflict arising from the
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+ logical contradiction between them. But this is also the case in the
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+ unconscious mental life of individuals, of children and of neurotics, as
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+ psycho-analysis has long pointed out.[14]
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+
329
+ A group, further, is subject to the truly magical power of words; they
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+ can evoke the most formidable tempests in the group mind, and are also
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+ capable of stilling them (p. 117). 'Reason and arguments are incapable
332
+ of combating certain words and formulas. They are uttered with solemnity
333
+ in the presence of groups, and as soon as they have been pronounced an
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+ expression of respect is visible on every countenance, and all heads are
335
+ bowed. By many they are considered as natural forces, as supernatural
336
+ powers.' (p. 117.) It is only necessary in this connection to remember
337
+ the taboo upon names among primitive people and the magical powers which
338
+ they ascribe to names and words.[15]
339
+
340
+ And, finally, groups have never thirsted after truth. They demand
341
+ illusions, and cannot do without them. They constantly give what is
342
+ unreal precedence over what is real; they are almost as strongly
343
+ influenced by what is untrue as by what is true. They have an evident
344
+ tendency not to distinguish between the two (p. 77).
345
+
346
+ We have pointed out that this predominance of the life of phantasy and
347
+ of the illusion born of an unfulfilled wish is the ruling factor in the
348
+ psychology of neuroses. We have found that what neurotics are guided by
349
+ is not ordinary objective reality but psychological reality. A
350
+ hysterical symptom is based upon phantasy instead of upon the repetition
351
+ of real experience, and the sense of guilt in an obsessional neurosis is
352
+ based upon the fact of an evil intention which was never carried out.
353
+ Indeed, just as in dreams and in hypnosis, in the mental operations of a
354
+ group the function for testing the reality of things falls into the
355
+ background in comparison with the strength of wishes with their
356
+ affective cathexis.[16]
357
+
358
+ What Le Bon says on the subject of leaders of groups is less exhaustive,
359
+ and does not enable us to make out an underlying principle so clearly.
360
+ He thinks that as soon as living beings are gathered together in certain
361
+ numbers, no matter whether they are a herd of animals or a collection of
362
+ human beings, they place themselves instinctively under the authority
363
+ of a chief (p. 134). A group is an obedient herd, which could never live
364
+ without a master. It has such a thirst for obedience that it submits
365
+ instinctively to anyone who appoints himself its master.
366
+
367
+ Although in this way the needs of a group carry it half-way to meet the
368
+ leader, yet he too must fit in with it in his personal qualities. He
369
+ must himself be held in fascination by a strong faith (in an idea) in
370
+ order to awaken the group's faith; he must possess a strong and imposing
371
+ will, which the group, which has no will of its own, can accept from
372
+ him. Le Bon then discusses the different kinds of leaders, and the means
373
+ by which they work upon the group. On the whole he believes that the
374
+ leaders make themselves felt by means of the ideas in which they
375
+ themselves are fanatical believers.
376
+
377
+ Moreover, he ascribes both to the ideas and to the leaders a mysterious
378
+ and irresistible power, which he calls 'prestige'. Prestige is a sort of
379
+ domination exercised over us by an individual, a work or an idea. It
380
+ entirely paralyses our critical faculty, and fills us with astonishment
381
+ and respect. It would seem to arouse a feeling like that of fascination
382
+ in hypnosis (p. 148). He distinguishes between acquired or artificial
383
+ and personal prestige. The former is attached to persons in virtue of
384
+ their name, fortune and reputation, and to opinions, works of art, etc.,
385
+ in virtue of tradition. Since in every case it harks back to the past,
386
+ it cannot be of much help to us in understanding this puzzling
387
+ influence. Personal prestige is attached to a few people, who become
388
+ leaders by means of it, and it has the effect of making everything obey
389
+ them as though by the operation of some magnetic magic. All prestige,
390
+ however, is also dependent upon success, and is lost in the event of
391
+ failure (p. 159).
392
+
393
+ We cannot feel that Le Bon has brought the function of the leader and
394
+ the importance of prestige completely into harmony with his brilliantly
395
+ executed picture of the group mind.
396
+
397
+ We have made use of Le Bon's description by way of introduction, because
398
+ it fits in so well with our own Psychology in the emphasis which it lays
399
+ upon unconscious mental life. But we must now add that as a matter of
400
+ fact none of that author's statements bring forward anything new.
401
+ Everything that he says to the detriment and depreciation of the
402
+ manifestations of the group mind had already been said by others before
403
+ him with equal distinctness and equal hostility, and has been repeated
404
+ in unison by thinkers, statesmen and writers since the earliest periods
405
+ of literature.[17] The two theses which comprise the most important of
406
+ Le Bon's opinions, those touching upon the collective inhibition of
407
+ intellectual functioning and the heightening of affectivity in groups,
408
+ had been formulated shortly before by Sighele.[18] At bottom, all that
409
+ is left over as being peculiar to Le Bon are the two notions of the
410
+ unconscious and of the comparison with the mental life of primitive
411
+ people, and even these had naturally often been alluded to before him.
412
+
413
+ But, what is more, the description and estimate of the group mind as
414
+ they have been given by Le Bon and the rest have not by any means been
415
+ left undisputed. There is no doubt that all the phenomena of the group
416
+ mind which have just been mentioned have been correctly observed, but it
417
+ is also possible to distinguish other manifestations of the group
418
+ formation, which operate in a precisely opposite sense, and from which a
419
+ much higher opinion of the group mind must necessarily follow.
420
+
421
+ Le Bon himself was prepared to admit that in certain circumstances the
422
+ morals of a group can be higher than those of the individuals that
423
+ compose it, and that only collectivities are capable of a high degree of
424
+ unselfishness and devotion. 'While with isolated individuals personal
425
+ interest is almost the only motive force, with groups it is very rarely
426
+ prominent.' (p. 65.) Other writers adduce the fact that it is only
427
+ society which prescribes any ethical standards at all for the
428
+ individual, while he as a rule fails in one way or another to come up to
429
+ its high demands. Or they point out that in exceptional circumstances
430
+ there may arise in communities the phenomenon of enthusiasm, which has
431
+ made the most splendid group achievements possible.
432
+
433
+ As regards intellectual work it remains a fact, indeed, that great
434
+ decisions in the realm of thought and momentous discoveries and
435
+ solutions of problems are only possible to an individual, working in
436
+ solitude. But even the group mind is capable of genius in intellectual
437
+ creation, as is shown above all by language itself, as well as by
438
+ folk-song, folk-lore and the like. It remains an open question,
439
+ moreover, how much the individual thinker or writer owes to the
440
+ stimulation of the group in which he lives, or whether he does more than
441
+ perfect a mental work in which the others have had a simultaneous share.
442
+
443
+ In face of these completely contradictory accounts, it looks as though
444
+ the work of Group Psychology were bound to come to an ineffectual end.
445
+ But it is easy to find a more hopeful escape from the dilemma. A number
446
+ of very different formations have probably been merged under the term
447
+ 'group' and may require to be distinguished. The assertions of Sighele,
448
+ Le Bon and the rest relate to groups of a short-lived character, which
449
+ some passing interest has hastily agglomerated out of various sorts of
450
+ individuals. The characteristics of revolutionary groups, and
451
+ especially those of the great French Revolution, have unmistakably
452
+ influenced their descriptions. The opposite opinions owe their origin to
453
+ the consideration of those stable groups or associations in which
454
+ mankind pass their lives, and which are embodied in the institutions of
455
+ society. Groups of the first kind stand in the same sort of relation to
456
+ those of the second as a high but choppy sea to a ground swell.
457
+
458
+ McDougall, in his book on _The Group Mind_,[19] starts out from the same
459
+ contradiction that has just been mentioned, and finds a solution for it
460
+ in the factor of organisation. In the simplest case, he says, the
461
+ 'group' possesses no organisation at all or one scarcely deserving the
462
+ name. He describes a group of this kind as a 'crowd'. But he admits that
463
+ a crowd of human beings can hardly come together without possessing at
464
+ all events the rudiments of an organisation, and that precisely in these
465
+ simple groups many of the fundamental facts of Collective Psychology can
466
+ be observed with special ease (p. 22). Before the members of a random
467
+ crowd of people can constitute something in the nature of a group in the
468
+ psychological sense of the word, a condition has to be fulfilled; these
469
+ individuals must have something in common with one another, a common
470
+ interest in an object, a similar emotional bias in some situation or
471
+ other, and ('consequently', I should like to interpolate) 'some degree
472
+ of reciprocal influence' (p. 23). The higher the degree of 'this mental
473
+ homogeneity', the more readily do the individuals form a psychological
474
+ group, and the more striking are the manifestations of a group mind.
475
+
476
+ The most remarkable and also the most important result of the formation
477
+ of a group is the 'exaltation or intensification of emotion' produced in
478
+ every member of it (p. 24). In McDougall's opinion men's emotions are
479
+ stirred in a group to a pitch that they seldom or never attain under
480
+ other conditions; and it is a pleasurable experience for those who are
481
+ concerned to surrender themselves so unreservedly to their passions and
482
+ thus to become merged in the group and to lose the sense of the limits
483
+ of their individuality. The manner in which individuals are thus carried
484
+ away by a common impulse is explained by McDougall by means of what he
485
+ calls the 'principle of direct induction of emotion by way of the
486
+ primitive sympathetic response' (p. 25), that is, by means of the
487
+ emotional contagion with which we are already familiar. The fact is that
488
+ the perception of the signs of an emotional state is calculated
489
+ automatically to arouse the same emotion in the person who perceives
490
+ them. The greater the number of people in whom the same emotion can be
491
+ simultaneously observed, the stronger does this automatic compulsion
492
+ grow. The individual loses his power of criticism, and lets himself slip
493
+ into the same emotion. But in so doing he increases the excitement of
494
+ the other people, who had produced this effect upon him, and thus the
495
+ emotional charge of the individuals becomes intensified by mutual
496
+ interaction. Something is unmistakably at work in the nature of a
497
+ compulsion to do the same as the others, to remain in harmony with the
498
+ many. The coarser and simpler emotions are the more apt to spread
499
+ through a group in this way (p. 39).
500
+
501
+ This mechanism for the intensification of emotion is favoured by some
502
+ other influences which emanate from groups. A group impresses the
503
+ individual with a sense of unlimited power and of insurmountable peril.
504
+ For the moment it replaces the whole of human society, which is the
505
+ wielder of authority, whose punishments the individual fears, and for
506
+ whose sake he has submitted to so many inhibitions. It is clearly
507
+ perilous for him to put himself in opposition to it, and it will be
508
+ safer to follow the example of those around him and perhaps even 'hunt
509
+ with the pack'. In obedience to the new authority he may put his former
510
+ 'conscience' out of action, and so surrender to the attraction of the
511
+ increased pleasure that is certainly obtained from the removal of
512
+ inhibitions. On the whole, therefore, it is not so remarkable that we
513
+ should see an individual in a group doing or approving things which he
514
+ would have avoided in the normal conditions of life; and in this way we
515
+ may even hope to clear up a little of the mystery which is so often
516
+ covered by the enigmatic word 'suggestion'.
517
+
518
+ McDougall does not dispute the thesis as to the collective inhibition of
519
+ intelligence in groups (p. 41). He says that the minds of lower
520
+ intelligence bring down those of a higher order to their own level. The
521
+ latter are obstructed in their activity, because in general an
522
+ intensification of emotion creates unfavourable conditions for sound
523
+ intellectual work, and further because the individuals are intimidated
524
+ by the group and their mental activity is not free, and because there is
525
+ a lowering in each individual of his sense of responsibility for his own
526
+ performances.
527
+
528
+ The judgement with which McDougall sums up the psychological behaviour
529
+ of a simple 'unorganised' group is no more friendly than that of Le Bon.
530
+ Such a group 'is excessively emotional, impulsive, violent, fickle,
531
+ inconsistent, irresolute and extreme in action, displaying only the
532
+ coarser emotions and the less refined sentiments; extremely suggestible,
533
+ careless in deliberation, hasty in judgment, incapable of any but the
534
+ simpler and imperfect forms of reasoning; easily swayed and led,
535
+ lacking in self-consciousness, devoid of self-respect and of sense of
536
+ responsibility, and apt to be carried away by the consciousness of its
537
+ own force, so that it tends to produce all the manifestations we have
538
+ learnt to expect of any irresponsible and absolute power. Hence its
539
+ behaviour is like that of an unruly child or an untutored passionate
540
+ savage in a strange situation, rather than like that of its average
541
+ member; and in the worst cases it is like that of a wild beast, rather
542
+ than like that of human beings.' (p. 45.)
543
+
544
+ Since McDougall contrasts the behaviour of a highly organised group with
545
+ what has just been described, we shall be particularly interested to
546
+ learn in what this organisation consists, and by what factors it is
547
+ produced. The author enumerates five 'principal conditions' for raising
548
+ collective mental life to a higher level.
549
+
550
+ The first and fundamental condition is that there should be some degree
551
+ of continuity of existence in the group. This may be either material or
552
+ formal; the former, if the same individuals persist in the group for
553
+ some time; and the latter, if there is developed within the group a
554
+ system of fixed positions which are occupied by a succession of
555
+ individuals.
556
+
557
+ The second condition is that in the individual member of the group some
558
+ definite idea should be formed of the nature, composition, functions and
559
+ capacities of the group, so that from this he may develop an emotional
560
+ relation to the group as a whole.
561
+
562
+ The third is that the group should be brought into interaction (perhaps
563
+ in the form of rivalry) with other groups similar to it but differing
564
+ from it in many respects.
565
+
566
+ The fourth is that the group should possess traditions, customs and
567
+ habits, and especially such as determine the relations of its members to
568
+ one another.
569
+
570
+ The fifth is that the group should have a definite structure, expressed
571
+ in the specialisation and differentiation of the functions of its
572
+ constituents.
573
+
574
+ According to McDougall, if these conditions are fulfilled, the
575
+ psychological disadvantages of the group formation are removed. The
576
+ collective lowering of intellectual ability is avoided by withdrawing
577
+ the performance of intellectual tasks from the group and reserving them
578
+ for individual members of it.
579
+
580
+ It seems to us that the condition which McDougall designates as the
581
+ 'organisation' of a group can with more justification be described in
582
+ another way. The problem consists in how to procure for the group
583
+ precisely those features which were characteristic of the individual and
584
+ which are extinguished in him by the formation of the group. For the
585
+ individual, outside the primitive group, possessed his own continuity,
586
+ his self-consciousness, his traditions and customs, his own particular
587
+ functions and position, and kept apart from his rivals. Owing to his
588
+ entry into an 'unorganised' group he had lost this distinctiveness for a
589
+ time. If we thus recognise that the aim is to equip the group with the
590
+ attributes of the individual, we shall be reminded of a valuable remark
591
+ of Trotter's,[20] to the effect that the tendency towards the formation
592
+ of groups is biologically a continuation of the multicellular character
593
+ of all the higher organisms.
594
+
595
+ We started from the fundamental fact that an individual in a group is
596
+ subjected through its influence to what is often a profound alteration
597
+ in his mental activity. His emotions become extraordinarily intensified,
598
+ while his intellectual ability becomes markedly reduced, both processes
599
+ being evidently in the direction of an approximation to the other
600
+ individuals in the group; and this result can only be reached by the
601
+ removal of those inhibitions upon his instincts which are peculiar to
602
+ each individual, and by his resigning those expressions of his
603
+ inclinations which are especially his own. We have heard that these
604
+ often unwelcome consequences are to some extent at least prevented by a
605
+ higher 'organisation' of the group; but this does not contradict the
606
+ fundamental fact of Group Psychology--the two theses as to the
607
+ intensification of the emotions and the inhibition of the intellect in
608
+ primitive groups. Our interest is now directed to discovering the
609
+ psychological explanation of this mental change which is experienced by
610
+ the individual in a group.
611
+
612
+ It is clear that rational factors (such as the intimidation of the
613
+ individual which has already been mentioned, that is, the action of his
614
+ instinct of self-preservation) do not cover the observable phenomena.
615
+ Beyond this what we are offered as an explanation by authorities upon
616
+ Sociology and Group Psychology is always the same, even though it is
617
+ given various names, and that is--the magic word 'suggestion'. Tarde
618
+ calls it 'imitation'; but we cannot help agreeing with a writer who
619
+ protests that imitation comes under the concept of suggestion, and is in
620
+ fact one of its results.[21] Le Bon traces back all the puzzling
621
+ features of social phenomena to two factors: the mutual suggestion of
622
+ individuals and the prestige of leaders. But prestige, again, is only
623
+ recognizable by its capacity for evoking suggestion. McDougall for a
624
+ moment gives us an impression that his principle of 'primitive induction
625
+ of emotion' might enable us to do without the assumption of suggestion.
626
+ But on further consideration we are forced to perceive that this
627
+ principle says no more than the familiar assertions about 'imitation' or
628
+ 'contagion', except for a decided stress upon the emotional factor.
629
+ There is no doubt that something exists in us which, when we become
630
+ aware of signs of an emotion in someone else, tends to make us fall into
631
+ the same emotion; but how often do we not successfully oppose it, resist
632
+ the emotion, and react in quite an opposite way? Why, therefore, do we
633
+ invariably give way to this contagion when we are in a group? Once more
634
+ we should have to say that what compels us to obey this tendency is
635
+ imitation, and what induces the emotion in us is the group's suggestive
636
+ influence. Moreover, quite apart from this, McDougall does not enable us
637
+ to evade suggestion; we hear from him as well as from other writers that
638
+ groups are distinguished by their special suggestibility.
639
+
640
+ We shall therefore be prepared for the statement that suggestion (or
641
+ more correctly suggestibility) is actually an irreducible, primitive
642
+ phenomenon, a fundamental fact in the mental life of man. Such, too, was
643
+ the opinion of Bernheim, of whose astonishing arts I was a witness in
644
+ the year 1889. But I can remember even then feeling a muffled hostility
645
+ to this tyranny of suggestion. When a patient who showed himself
646
+ unamenable was met with the shout: 'What are you doing? _Vous vous
647
+ contresuggestionnez!_', I said to myself that this was an evident
648
+ injustice and an act of violence. For the man certainly had a right to
649
+ counter-suggestions if they were trying to subdue him with suggestions.
650
+ Later on my resistance took the direction of protesting against the view
651
+ that suggestion, which explained everything, was itself to be preserved
652
+ from explanation. Thinking of it, I repeated the old conundrum:[22]
653
+
654
+ Now that I once more approach the riddle of suggestion after having kept
655
+ away from it for some thirty years, I find there is no change in the
656
+ situation. To this statement I can discover only a single exception,
657
+ which I need not mention, since it is one which bears witness to the
658
+ influence of psycho-analysis. I notice that particular efforts are being
659
+ made to formulate the concept of suggestion correctly, that is, to fix
660
+ the conventional use of the name.[24] And this is by no means
661
+ superfluous, for the word is acquiring a more and more extended use and
662
+ a looser and looser meaning, and will soon come to designate any sort of
663
+ influence whatever, just as in English, where 'to suggest' and
664
+ 'suggestion' correspond to our _nahelegen_ and _Anregung_. But there has
665
+ been no explanation of the nature of suggestion, that is, of the
666
+ conditions under which influence without adequate logical foundation
667
+ takes place. I should not avoid the task of supporting this statement by
668
+ an analysis of the literature of the last thirty years, if I were not
669
+ aware that an exhaustive inquiry is being undertaken close at hand which
670
+ has in view the fulfilment of this very task.
671
+
672
+ Instead of this I shall make an attempt at using the concept of _libido_
673
+ for the purpose of throwing light upon Group Psychology, a concept which
674
+ has done us such good service in the study of psycho-neuroses.
675
+
676
+ Libido is an expression taken from the theory of the emotions. We call
677
+ by that name the energy (regarded as a quantitative magnitude, though
678
+ not at present actually mensurable) of those instincts which have to do
679
+ with all that may be comprised under the word 'love'. The nucleus of
680
+ what we mean by love naturally consists (and this is what is commonly
681
+ called love, and what the poets sing of) in sexual love with sexual
682
+ union as its aim. But we do not separate from this--what in any case
683
+ has a share in the name 'love'--on the one hand, self-love, and on the
684
+ other, love for parents and children, friendship and love for humanity
685
+ in general, and also devotion to concrete objects and to abstract ideas.
686
+ Our justification lies in the fact that psycho-analytic research has
687
+ taught us that all these tendencies are an expression of the same
688
+ instinctive activities; in relations between the sexes these instincts
689
+ force their way towards sexual union, but in other circumstances they
690
+ are diverted from this aim or are prevented from reaching it, though
691
+ always preserving enough of their original nature to keep their identity
692
+ recognizable (as in such features as the longing for proximity, and
693
+ self-sacrifice).
694
+
695
+ We are of opinion, then, that language has carried out an entirely
696
+ justifiable piece of unification in creating the word 'love' with its
697
+ numerous uses, and that we cannot do better than take it as the basis of
698
+ our scientific discussions and expositions as well. By coming to this
699
+ decision, psycho-analysis has let loose a storm of indignation, as
700
+ though it had been guilty of an act of outrageous innovation. Yet
701
+ psycho-analysis has done nothing original in taking love in this 'wider'
702
+ sense. In its origin, function, and relation to sexual love, the
703
+ '_Eros_' of the philosopher Plato coincides exactly with the love force,
704
+ the libido, of psycho-analysis, as has been shown in detail by
705
+ Nachmansohn and Pfister;[25] and when the apostle Paul, in his famous
706
+ epistle to the Corinthians, prizes love above all else, he certainly
707
+ understands it in the same 'wider' sense.[26] But this only shows that
708
+ men do not always take their great thinkers seriously, even when they
709
+ profess most to admire them.
710
+
711
+ Psycho-analysis, then, gives these love instincts the name of sexual
712
+ instincts, a _potiori_ and by reason of their origin. The majority of
713
+ 'educated' people have taken their revenge by retorting upon
714
+ psycho-analysis with the reproach of 'pan-sexualism'. Anyone who
715
+ considers sex as something mortifying and humiliating to human nature is
716
+ at liberty to make use of the more genteel expressions 'Eros' and
717
+ 'erotic'. I might have done so myself from the first and thus have
718
+ spared myself much opposition. But I did not want to, for I like to
719
+ avoid concessions to faint-heartedness. One can never tell where that
720
+ road may lead one; one gives way first in words, and then little by
721
+ little in substance too. I cannot see any merit in being ashamed of sex;
722
+ the Greek word 'Eros', which is to soften the affront, is in the end
723
+ nothing more than a translation of our German word _Liebe_ [love]; and
724
+ finally, he who knows how to wait need make no concessions.
725
+
726
+ We will try our fortune, then, with the supposition that love
727
+ relationships (or, to use a more neutral expression, emotional ties)
728
+ also constitute the essence of the group mind. Let us remember that the
729
+ authorities make no mention of any such relations. What would correspond
730
+ to them is evidently concealed behind the shelter, the screen, of
731
+ suggestion. Our hypothesis finds support in the first instance from two
732
+ passing thoughts. First, that a group is clearly held together by a
733
+ power of some kind: and to what power could this feat be better ascribed
734
+ than to Eros, who holds together everything in the world? Secondly, that
735
+ if an individual gives up his distinctiveness in a group and lets its
736
+ other members influence him by suggestion, it gives one the impression
737
+ that he does it because he feels the need of being in harmony with them
738
+ rather than in opposition to them--so that perhaps after all he does it
739
+ '_ihnen zu Liebe_'.[27]
740
+
741
+ We may recall from what we know of the morphology of groups that it is
742
+ possible to distinguish very different kinds of groups and opposing
743
+ lines in their development. There are very fleeting groups and extremely
744
+ lasting ones; homogeneous ones, made up of the same sorts of
745
+ individuals, and unhomogeneous ones; natural groups, and artificial
746
+ ones, requiring an external force to keep them together; primitive
747
+ groups, and highly organised ones with a definite structure. But for
748
+ reasons which have yet to be explained we should like to lay particular
749
+ stress upon a distinction to which the authorities have rather given too
750
+ little attention; I refer to that between leaderless groups and those
751
+ with leaders. And, in complete opposition to the usual practice, we
752
+ shall not choose a relatively simple group formation as our point of
753
+ departure, but shall begin with highly organised, lasting and artificial
754
+ groups. The most interesting example of such structures are
755
+ churches--communities of believers--and armies.
756
+
757
+ A church and an army are artificial groups, that is, a certain external
758
+ force is employed to prevent them from disintegrating and to check
759
+ alterations in their structure. As a rule a person is not consulted or
760
+ is given no choice, as to whether he wants to enter such a group; any
761
+ attempt at leaving it is usually met with persecution or with severe
762
+ punishment, or has quite definite conditions attached to it. It is quite
763
+ outside our present interest to enquire why these associations need such
764
+ special safeguards. We are only attracted by one circumstance, namely
765
+ that certain facts, which are far more concealed in other cases, can be
766
+ observed very clearly in those highly organised groups which are
767
+ protected from dissolution in the manner that has been mentioned. In a
768
+ church (and we may with advantage take the Catholic Church as a type) as
769
+ well as in an army, however different the two may be in other respects,
770
+ the same illusion holds good of there being a head--in the Catholic
771
+ Church Christ, in an army its Commander-in-Chief--who loves all the
772
+ individuals in the group with an equal love. Everything depends upon
773
+ this illusion; if it were to be dropped, then both Church and army would
774
+ dissolve, so far as the external force permitted them to. This equal
775
+ love was expressly enunciated by Christ: 'Inasmuch as ye have done it
776
+ unto one of the least of these my brethren, ye have done it unto me.' He
777
+ stands to the individual members of the group of believers in the
778
+ relation of a kind elder brother; he is their father surrogate. All the
779
+ demands that are made upon the individual are derived from this love of
780
+ Christ's. A democratic character runs through the Church, for the very
781
+ reason that before Christ everyone is equal, and that everyone has an
782
+ equal share in his love. It is not without a deep reason that the
783
+ similarity between the Christian community and a family is invoked, and
784
+ that believers call themselves brothers in Christ, that is, brothers
785
+ through the love which Christ has for them. There is no doubt that the
786
+ tie which unites each individual with Christ is also the cause of the
787
+ tie which unites them with one another. The like holds good of an army.
788
+ The Commander-in-Chief is a father who loves all his soldiers equally,
789
+ and for that reason they are comrades among themselves. The army differs
790
+ structurally from the Church in being built up of a series of such
791
+ groups. Every captain is, as it were, the Commander-in-Chief and the
792
+ father of his company, and so is every non-commissioned officer of his
793
+ section. It is true that a similar hierarchy has been constructed in the
794
+ Church, but it does not play the same part in it economically; for more
795
+ knowledge and care about individuals may be attributed to Christ than
796
+ to a human Commander-in-Chief.[28]
797
+
798
+ It is to be noticed that in these two artificial groups each individual
799
+ is bound by libidinal[29] ties on the one hand to the leader (Christ,
800
+ the Commander-in-Chief) and on the other hand to the other members of
801
+ the group. How these two ties are related to each other, whether they
802
+ are of the same kind and the same value, and how they are to be
803
+ described psychologically--these questions must be reserved for
804
+ subsequent enquiry. But we shall venture even now upon a mild reproach
805
+ against the authorities for not having sufficiently appreciated the
806
+ importance of the leader in the psychology of the group, while our own
807
+ choice of a first object for investigation has brought us into a more
808
+ favourable position. It would appear as though we were on the right road
809
+ towards an explanation of the principal phenomenon of Group
810
+ Psychology--the individual's lack of freedom in a group. If each
811
+ individual is bound in two directions by such an intense emotional tie,
812
+ we shall find no difficulty in attributing to that circumstance the
813
+ alteration and limitation which have been observed in his personality.
814
+
815
+ A hint to the same effect, that the essence of a group lies in the
816
+ libidinal ties existing in it, is also to be found in the phenomenon of
817
+ panic, which is best studied in military groups. A panic arises if a
818
+ group of that kind becomes disintegrated. Its characteristics are that
819
+ none of the orders given by superiors are any longer listened to, and
820
+ that each individual is only solicitous on his own account, and without
821
+ any consideration for the rest. The mutual ties have ceased to exist,
822
+ and a gigantic and senseless dread [_Angst_] is set free. At this point,
823
+ again, the objection will naturally be made that it is rather the other
824
+ way round; and that the dread has grown so great as to be able to
825
+ disregard all ties and all feelings of consideration for others.
826
+ McDougall has even (p. 24) made use of the case of panic (though not of
827
+ military panic) as a typical instance of that intensification of emotion
828
+ by contagion ('primary induction') upon which he lays so much emphasis.
829
+ But nevertheless this rational method of explanation is here quite
830
+ inadequate. The very question that needs explanation is why the dread
831
+ has become so gigantic. The greatness of the danger cannot be
832
+ responsible, for the same army which now falls a victim to panic may
833
+ previously have faced equally great or greater danger with complete
834
+ success; it is of the very essence of panic that it bears no relation to
835
+ the danger that threatens, and often breaks out upon the most trivial
836
+ occasions. If an individual in panic dread begins to be solicitous only
837
+ on his own account, he bears witness in so doing to the fact that the
838
+ emotional ties, which have hitherto made the danger seem small to him,
839
+ have ceased to exist. Now that he is by himself in facing the danger,
840
+ he may surely think it greater. The fact is, therefore, that panic dread
841
+ presupposes a relaxation in the libidinal structure of the group and
842
+ reacts to it in a justifiable manner, and the contrary view--that the
843
+ libidinal ties of the group are destroyed owing to dread in the face of
844
+ the danger--can be refuted.
845
+
846
+ The contention that dread in a group is increased to enormous
847
+ proportions by means of induction (contagion) is not in the least
848
+ contradicted by these remarks. McDougall's view meets the case entirely
849
+ when the danger is a really great one and when the group has no strong
850
+ emotional ties--conditions which are fulfilled, for instance, when a
851
+ fire breaks out in a theatre or a place of amusement. But the really
852
+ instructive case and the one which can be best employed for our purposes
853
+ is that mentioned above, in which a body of troops breaks into a panic
854
+ although the danger has not increased beyond a degree that is usual and
855
+ has often been previously faced. It is not to be expected that the usage
856
+ of the word 'panic' should be clearly and unambiguously determined.
857
+ Sometimes it is used to describe any collective dread, sometimes even
858
+ dread in an individual when it exceeds all bounds, and often the name
859
+ seems to be reserved for cases in which the outbreak of dread is not
860
+ warranted by the occasion. If we take the word 'panic' in the sense of
861
+ collective dread, we can establish a far-reaching analogy. Dread in an
862
+ individual is provoked either by the greatness of a danger or by the
863
+ cessation of emotional ties (libidinal cathexes[30]
864
+ [_Libidobesetzungen_]); the latter is the case of neurotic dread.[31] In
865
+ just the same way panic arises either owing to an increase of the common
866
+ danger or owing to the disappearance of the emotional ties which hold
867
+ the group together; and the latter case is analogous to that of neurotic
868
+ dread.[32]
869
+
870
+ Anyone who, like McDougall (l.c.), describes a panic as one of the
871
+ plainest functions of the 'group mind', arrives at the paradoxical
872
+ position that this group mind does away with itself in one of its most
873
+ striking manifestations. It is impossible to doubt that panic means the
874
+ disintegration of a group; it involves the cessation of all the feelings
875
+ of consideration which the members of the group otherwise show one
876
+ another.
877
+
878
+ The typical occasion of the outbreak of a panic is very much as it is
879
+ represented in Nestroy's parody of Hebbel's play about Judith and
880
+ Holofernes. A soldier cries out: "The general has lost his head!" and
881
+ thereupon all the Assyrians take to flight. The loss of the leader in
882
+ some sense or other, the birth, of misgivings about him, brings on the
883
+ outbreak of panic, though the danger remains the same; the mutual ties
884
+ between the members of the group disappear, as a rule, at the same time
885
+ as the tie with their leader. The group vanishes in dust, like a Bologna
886
+ flask when its top is broken off.
887
+
888
+ The dissolution of a religious group is not so easy to observe. A short
889
+ time ago there came into my hands an English novel of Catholic origin,
890
+ recommended by the Bishop of London, with the title _When It Was Dark_.
891
+ It gave a clever and, as it seems to me, a convincing picture of such a
892
+ possibility and its consequences. The novel, which is supposed to
893
+ relate to the present day, tells how a conspiracy of enemies of the
894
+ figure of Christ and of the Christian faith succeed in arranging for a
895
+ sepulchre to be discovered in Jerusalem. In this sepulchre is an
896
+ inscription, in which Joseph of Arimathaea confesses that for reasons of
897
+ piety he secretly removed the body of Christ from its grave on the third
898
+ day after its entombment and buried it in this spot. The resurrection of
899
+ Christ and his divine nature are by this means disposed of, and the
900
+ result of this archaeological discovery is a convulsion in European
901
+ civilisation and an extraordinary increase in all crimes and acts of
902
+ violence, which only ceases when the forgers' plot has been revealed.
903
+
904
+ The phenomenon which accompanies the dissolution that is here supposed
905
+ to overtake a religious group is not dread, for which the occasion is
906
+ wanting. Instead of it ruthless and hostile impulses towards other
907
+ people make their appearance, which, owing to the equal love of Christ,
908
+ they had previously been unable to do.[33] But even during the kingdom
909
+ of Christ those people who do not belong to the community of believers,
910
+ who do not love him, and whom he does not love, stand outside this tie.
911
+ Therefore a religion, even if it calls itself the religion of love,
912
+ must be hard and unloving to those who do not belong to it.
913
+ Fundamentally indeed every religion is in this same way a religion of
914
+ love for all those whom it embraces; while cruelty and intolerance
915
+ towards those who do not belong to it are natural to every religion.
916
+ However difficult we may find it personally, we ought not to reproach
917
+ believers too severely on this account; people who are unbelieving or
918
+ indifferent are so much better off psychologically in this respect. If
919
+ to-day that intolerance no longer shows itself so violent and cruel as
920
+ in former centuries, we can scarcely conclude that there has been a
921
+ softening in human manners. The cause is rather to be found in the
922
+ undeniable weakening of religious feelings and the libidinal ties which
923
+ depend upon them. If another group tie takes the place of the religious
924
+ one--and the socialistic tie seems to be succeeding in doing so--, then
925
+ there will be the same intolerance towards outsiders as in the age of
926
+ the Wars of Religion; and if differences between scientific opinions
927
+ could ever attain a similar significance for groups, the same result
928
+ would again be repeated with this new motivation.
929
+
930
+ We have hitherto considered two artificial groups and have found that
931
+ they are dominated by two emotional ties. One of these, the tie with the
932
+ leader, seems (at all events for these cases) to be more of a ruling
933
+ factor than the other, which holds between the members of the group.
934
+
935
+ Now much else remains to be examined and described in the morphology of
936
+ groups. We should have to start from the ascertained fact that a mere
937
+ collection of people is not a group, so long as these ties have not been
938
+ established in it; but we should have to admit that in any collection of
939
+ people the tendency to form a psychological group may very easily become
940
+ prominent. We should have to give our attention to the different kinds
941
+ of groups, more or less stable, that arise spontaneously, and to study
942
+ the conditions of their origin and of their dissolution. We should above
943
+ all be concerned with the distinction between groups which have a
944
+ leader and leaderless groups. We should consider whether groups with
945
+ leaders may not be the more primitive and complete, whether in the
946
+ others an idea, an abstraction, may not be substituted for the leader (a
947
+ state of things to which religious groups, with their invisible head,
948
+ form a transition stage), and whether a common tendency, a wish in which
949
+ a number of people can have a share, may not in the same way serve as a
950
+ substitute. This abstraction, again, might be more or less completely
951
+ embodied in the figure of what we might call a secondary leader, and
952
+ interesting varieties would arise from the relation between the idea and
953
+ the leader. The leader or the leading idea might also, so to speak, be
954
+ negative; hatred against a particular person or institution might
955
+ operate in just the same unifying way, and might call up the same kind
956
+ of emotional ties as positive attachment. Then the question would also
957
+ arise whether a leader is really indispensable to the essence of a
958
+ group--and other questions besides.
959
+
960
+ But all these questions, which may, moreover, have been dealt with in
961
+ part in the literature of Group Psychology, will not succeed in
962
+ diverting our interest from the fundamental psychological problems that
963
+ confront us in the structure of a group. And our attention will first be
964
+ attracted by a consideration which promises to bring us in the most
965
+ direct way to a proof that libidinal ties are what characterize a
966
+ group.
967
+
968
+ Let us keep before our eyes the nature of the emotional relations which
969
+ hold between men in general. According to Schopenhauer's famous simile
970
+ of the freezing porcupines no one can tolerate a too intimate approach
971
+ to his neighbour.[34]
972
+
973
+ The evidence of psycho-analysis shows that almost every intimate
974
+ emotional relation between two people which lasts for some
975
+ time--marriage, friendship, the relations between parents and
976
+ children[35]--leaves a sediment of feelings of aversion and hostility,
977
+ which have first to be eliminated by repression. This is less disguised
978
+ in the common wrangles between business partners or in the grumbles of a
979
+ subordinate at his superior. The same thing happens when men come
980
+ together in larger units. Every time two families become connected by a
981
+ marriage, each of them thinks itself superior to or of better birth than
982
+ the other. Of two neighbouring towns each is the other's most jealous
983
+ rival; every little canton looks down upon the others with contempt.
984
+ Closely related races keep one another at arm's length; the South German
985
+ cannot endure the North German, the Englishman casts every kind of
986
+ aspersion upon the Scotchman, the Spaniard despises the Portuguese. We
987
+ are no longer astonished that greater differences should lead to an
988
+ almost insuperable repugnance, such as the Gallic people feel for the
989
+ German, the Aryan for the Semite, and the white races for the coloured.
990
+
991
+ When this hostility is directed against people who are otherwise loved
992
+ we describe it as ambivalence of feeling; and we explain the fact, in
993
+ what is probably far too rational a manner, by means of the numerous
994
+ occasions for conflicts of interest which arise precisely in such
995
+ intimate relations. In the undisguised antipathies and aversions which
996
+ people feel towards strangers with whom they have to do we may recognize
997
+ the expression of self-love--of narcissism. This self-love works for the
998
+ self-assertion of the individual, and behaves as though the occurrence
999
+ of any divergence from his own particular lines of development involved
1000
+ a criticism of them and a demand for their alteration. We do not know
1001
+ why such sensitiveness should have been directed to just these details
1002
+ of differentiation; but it is unmistakable that in this whole connection
1003
+ men give evidence of a readiness for hatred, an aggressiveness, the
1004
+ source of which is unknown, and to which one is tempted to ascribe an
1005
+ elementary character.[36]
1006
+
1007
+ But the whole of this intolerance vanishes, temporarily or permanently,
1008
+ as the result of the formation of a group, and in a group. So long as a
1009
+ group formation persists or so far as it extends, individuals behave as
1010
+ though they were uniform, tolerate other people's peculiarities, put
1011
+ themselves on an equal level with them, and have no feeling of aversion
1012
+ towards them. Such a limitation of narcissism can, according to our
1013
+ theoretical views, only be produced by one factor, a libidinal tie with
1014
+ other people. Love for oneself knows only one barrier--love for others,
1015
+ love for objects.[37] The question will at once be raised whether
1016
+ community of interest in itself, without any addition of libido, must
1017
+ not necessarily lead to the toleration of other people and to
1018
+ considerateness for them. This objection may be met by the reply that
1019
+ nevertheless no lasting limitation of narcissism is effected in this
1020
+ way, since this tolerance does not persist longer than the immediate
1021
+ advantage gained from the other people's collaboration. But the
1022
+ practical importance of the discussion is less than might be supposed,
1023
+ for experience has shown that in cases of collaboration libidinal ties
1024
+ are regularly formed between the fellow-workers which prolong and
1025
+ solidify the relation between them to a point beyond what is merely
1026
+ profitable. The same thing occurs in men's social relations as has
1027
+ become familiar to psycho-analytic research in the course of the
1028
+ development of the individual libido. The libido props itself upon the
1029
+ satisfaction of the great vital needs, and chooses as its first objects
1030
+ the people who have a share in that process. And in the development of
1031
+ mankind as a whole, just as in individuals, love alone acts as the
1032
+ civilizing factor in the sense that it brings a change from egoism to
1033
+ altruism. And this is true both of the sexual love for women, with all
1034
+ the obligations which it involves of sparing what women are fond of, and
1035
+ also of the desexualised, sublimated homosexual love for other men,
1036
+ which springs from work in common. If therefore in groups narcissistic
1037
+ self-love is subject to limitations which do not operate outside them,
1038
+ that is cogent evidence that the essence of a group formation consists
1039
+ in a new kind of libidinal ties among the members of the group.
1040
+
1041
+ But our interest now leads us on to the pressing question as to what may
1042
+ be the nature of these ties which exist in groups. In the
1043
+ psycho-analytic study of neuroses we have hitherto been occupied almost
1044
+ exclusively with ties that unite with their objects those love instincts
1045
+ which still pursue directly sexual aims. In groups there can evidently
1046
+ be no question of sexual aims of that kind. We are concerned here with
1047
+ love instincts which have been diverted from their original aims, though
1048
+ they do not operate with less energy on that account. Now we have
1049
+ already observed within the range of the usual sexual object-cathexis
1050
+ [_Objektbesetzung_] phenomena which represent a diversion of the
1051
+ instinct from its sexual aim. We have described them as degrees of being
1052
+ in love, and have recognized that they involve a certain encroachment
1053
+ upon the ego. We shall now turn our attention more closely to these
1054
+ phenomena of being in love, in the firm expectation of finding in them
1055
+ conditions which can be transferred to the ties that exist in groups.
1056
+ But we should also like to know whether this kind of object-cathexis, as
1057
+ we know it in sexual life, represents the only manner of emotional tie
1058
+ with other people, or whether we must take other mechanisms of the sort
1059
+ into account. As a matter of fact we learn from psycho-analysis that
1060
+ there do exist other mechanisms for emotional ties, the so-called
1061
+ _identifications_, insufficiently-known processes and hard to describe,
1062
+ the investigation of which will for some time keep us away from the
1063
+ subject of Group Psychology.
1064
+
1065
+ Identification is known to psycho-analysis as the earliest expression of
1066
+ an emotional tie with another person. It plays a part in the early
1067
+ history of the Oedipus complex. A little boy will exhibit a special
1068
+ interest in his father; he would like to grow like him and be like him,
1069
+ and take his place everywhere. We may say simply that he takes his
1070
+ father as his ideal. This behaviour has nothing to do with a passive or
1071
+ feminine attitude towards his father (and towards males in general); it
1072
+ is on the contrary typically masculine. It fits in very well with the
1073
+ Oedipus complex, for which it helps to prepare the way.
1074
+
1075
+ At the same time as this identification with his father, or a little
1076
+ later, the boy has begun to develop a true object-cathexis towards his
1077
+ mother according to the anaclitic type [_Anlehnungstypus_].[38] He then
1078
+ exhibits, therefore, two psychologically distinct ties: a
1079
+ straightforward sexual object-cathexis towards his mother and a typical
1080
+ identification towards his father. The two subsist side by side for a
1081
+ time without any mutual influence or interference. In consequence of the
1082
+ irresistible advance towards a unification of mental life they come
1083
+ together at last; and the normal Oedipus complex originates from their
1084
+ confluence. The little boy notices that his father stands in his way
1085
+ with his mother. His identification with his father then takes on a
1086
+ hostile colouring and becomes identical with the wish to replace his
1087
+ father in regard to his mother as well. Identification, in fact, is
1088
+ ambivalent from the very first; it can turn into an expression of
1089
+ tenderness as easily as into a wish for someone's removal. It behaves
1090
+ like a derivative of the first _oral_ phase of the organisation of the
1091
+ libido, in which the object that we long for and prize is assimilated by
1092
+ eating and is in that way annihilated as such. The cannibal, as we know,
1093
+ has remained at this standpoint; he has a devouring affection for his
1094
+ enemies and only devours people of whom he is fond.[39]
1095
+
1096
+ The subsequent history of this identification with the father may easily
1097
+ be lost sight of. It may happen that the Oedipus complex becomes
1098
+ inverted, and that the father is taken as the object of a feminine
1099
+ attitude, an object from which the directly sexual instincts look for
1100
+ satisfaction; in that event the identification with the father has
1101
+ become the precursor of an object tie with the father. The same holds
1102
+ good, with the necessary substitutions, of the baby daughter as well.
1103
+
1104
+ It is easy to state in a formula the distinction between an
1105
+ identification with the father and the choice of the father as an
1106
+ object. In the first case one's father is what one would like to _be_,
1107
+ and in the second he is what one would like to _have_. The distinction,
1108
+ that is, depends upon whether the tie attaches to the subject or to the
1109
+ object of the ego. The former is therefore already possible before any
1110
+ sexual object-choice has been made. It is much more difficult to give a
1111
+ clear metapsychological representation of the distinction. We can only
1112
+ see that identification endeavours to mould a person's own ego after the
1113
+ fashion of the one that has been taken as a 'model'.
1114
+
1115
+ Let us disentangle identification as it occurs in the structure of a
1116
+ neurotic symptom from its rather complicated connections. Supposing that
1117
+ a little girl (and we will keep to her for the present) develops the
1118
+ same painful symptom as her mother--for instance, the same tormenting
1119
+ cough. Now this may come about in various ways. The identification may
1120
+ come from the Oedipus complex; in that case it signifies a hostile
1121
+ desire on the girl's part to take her mother's place, and the symptom
1122
+ expresses her object love towards her father, and brings about a
1123
+ realisation, under the influence of a sense of guilt, of her desire to
1124
+ take her mother's place: 'You wanted to be your mother, and now you
1125
+ _are_--anyhow as far as the pain goes'. This is the complete mechanism
1126
+ of the structure of a hysterical symptom. Or, on the other hand, the
1127
+ symptom may be the same as that of the person who is loved--(so, for
1128
+ instance, Dora in the 'Bruchstück einer Hysterieanalyse'[40] imitated
1129
+ her father's cough); in that case we can only describe the state of
1130
+ things by saying that _identification has appeared instead of
1131
+ object-choice, and that object-choice has regressed to identification_.
1132
+ We have heard that identification is the earliest and original form of
1133
+ emotional tie; it often happens that under the conditions in which
1134
+ symptoms are constructed, that is, where there is repression and where
1135
+ the mechanisms of the unconscious are dominant, object-choice is turned
1136
+ back into identification--the ego, that is, assumes the characteristics
1137
+ of the object. It is noticeable that in these identifications the ego
1138
+ sometimes copies the person who is not loved and sometimes the one who
1139
+ is loved. It must also strike us that in both cases the identification
1140
+ is a partial and extremely limited one and only borrows a single trait
1141
+ from the person who is its object.
1142
+
1143
+ There is a third particularly frequent and important case of symptom
1144
+ formation, in which the identification leaves any object relation to the
1145
+ person who is being copied entirely out of account. Supposing, for
1146
+ instance, that one of the girls in a boarding school has had a letter
1147
+ from someone with whom she is secretly in love which arouses her
1148
+ jealousy, and that she reacts to it with a fit of hysterics; then some
1149
+ of her friends who know about it will contract the fit, as we say, by
1150
+ means of mental infection. The mechanism is that of identification based
1151
+ upon the possibility or desire of putting oneself in the same
1152
+ situation. The other girls would like to have a secret love affair too,
1153
+ and under the influence of a sense of guilt they also accept the pain
1154
+ involved in it. It would be wrong to suppose that they take on the
1155
+ symptom out of sympathy. On the contrary, the sympathy only arises out
1156
+ of the identification, and this is proved by the fact that infection or
1157
+ imitation of this kind takes place in circumstances where even less
1158
+ pre-existing sympathy is to be assumed than usually exists between
1159
+ friends in a girls' school. One ego has perceived a significant analogy
1160
+ with another upon one point--in our example upon a similar readiness for
1161
+ emotion; an identification is thereupon constructed on this point, and,
1162
+ under the influence of the pathogenic situation, is displaced on to the
1163
+ symptom which the one ego has produced. The identification by means of
1164
+ the symptom has thus become the mark of a point of coincidence between
1165
+ the two egos which has to be kept repressed.
1166
+
1167
+ What we have learned from these three sources may be summarised as
1168
+ follows. First, identification is the original form of emotional tie
1169
+ with an object; secondly, in a regressive way it becomes a substitute
1170
+ for a libidinal object tie, as it were by means of the introjection of
1171
+ the object into the ego; and thirdly, it may arise with every new
1172
+ perception of a common quality shared with some other person who is not
1173
+ an object of the sexual instinct. The more important this common
1174
+ quality is, the more successful may this partial identification become,
1175
+ and it may thus represent the beginning of a new tie.
1176
+
1177
+ We already begin to divine that the mutual tie between members of a
1178
+ group is in the nature of an identification of this kind, based upon an
1179
+ important emotional common quality; and we may suspect that this common
1180
+ quality lies in the nature of the tie with the leader. Another suspicion
1181
+ may tell us that we are far from having exhausted the problem of
1182
+ identification, and that we are faced by the process which psychology
1183
+ calls 'empathy [_Einfühlung_]' and which plays the largest part in our
1184
+ understanding of what is inherently foreign to our ego in other people.
1185
+ But we shall here limit ourselves to the immediate emotional effects of
1186
+ identification, and shall leave on one side its significance for our
1187
+ intellectual life.
1188
+
1189
+ Psycho-analytic research, which has already occasionally attacked the
1190
+ more difficult problems of the psychoses, has also been able to exhibit
1191
+ identification to us in some other cases which are not immediately
1192
+ comprehensible. I shall treat two of these cases in detail as material
1193
+ for our further consideration.
1194
+
1195
+ The genesis of male homosexuality in a large class of cases is as
1196
+ follows. A young man has been unusually long and intensely fixated upon
1197
+ his mother in the sense of the Oedipus complex. But at last, after the
1198
+ end of his puberty, the time comes for exchanging his mother for some
1199
+ other sexual object. Things take a sudden turn: the young man does not
1200
+ abandon his mother, but identifies himself with her; he transforms
1201
+ himself into her, and now looks about for objects which can replace his
1202
+ ego for him, and on which he can bestow such love and care as he has
1203
+ experienced from his mother. This is a frequent process, which can be
1204
+ confirmed as often as one likes, and which is naturally quite
1205
+ independent of any hypothesis that may be made as to the organic driving
1206
+ force and the motives of the sudden transformation. A striking thing
1207
+ about this identification is its ample scale; it remoulds the ego in one
1208
+ of its important features--in its sexual character--upon the model of
1209
+ what has hitherto been the object. In this process the object itself is
1210
+ renounced--whether entirely or in the sense of being preserved only in
1211
+ the unconscious is a question outside the present discussion.
1212
+ Identification with an object that is renounced or lost as a substitute
1213
+ for it, introjection of this object into the ego, is indeed no longer a
1214
+ novelty to us. A process of the kind may sometimes be directly observed
1215
+ in small children. A short time ago an observation of this sort was
1216
+ published in the _Internationale Zeitschrift für Psychoanalyse_. A child
1217
+ who was unhappy over the loss of a kitten declared straight out that now
1218
+ he himself was the kitten, and accordingly crawled about on all fours,
1219
+ would not eat at table, etc.[41]
1220
+
1221
+ Another such instance of introjection of the object has been provided by
1222
+ the analysis of melancholia, an affection which counts among the most
1223
+ remarkable of its exciting causes the real or emotional loss of a loved
1224
+ object. A leading characteristic of these cases is a cruel
1225
+ self-depreciation of the ego combined with relentless self-criticism and
1226
+ bitter self-reproaches. Analyses have shown that this disparagement and
1227
+ these reproaches apply at bottom to the object and represent the ego's
1228
+ revenge upon it. The shadow of the object has fallen upon the ego, as I
1229
+ have said elsewhere.[42] The introjection of the object is here
1230
+ unmistakably clear.
1231
+
1232
+ But these melancholias also show us something else, which may be of
1233
+ importance for our later discussions. They show us the ego divided,
1234
+ fallen into two pieces, one of which rages against the second. This
1235
+ second piece is the one which has been altered by introjection and which
1236
+ contains the lost object. But the piece which behaves so cruelly is not
1237
+ unknown to us either. It comprises the conscience, a critical faculty
1238
+ [_Instanz_][43] within the ego, which even in normal times takes up a
1239
+ critical attitude towards the ego, though never so relentlessly and so
1240
+ unjustifiably. On previous occasions we have been driven to the
1241
+ hypothesis[44] that some such faculty develops in our ego which may cut
1242
+ itself off from the rest of the ego and come into conflict with it. We
1243
+ have called it the 'ego ideal', and by way of functions we have ascribed
1244
+ to it self-observation, the moral conscience, the censorship of dreams,
1245
+ and the chief influence in repression. We have said that it is the heir
1246
+ to the original narcissism in which the childish ego found its
1247
+ self-sufficiency; it gradually gathers up from the influences of the
1248
+ environment the demands which that environment makes upon the ego and
1249
+ which the ego cannot always rise to; so that a man, when he cannot be
1250
+ satisfied with his ego itself, may nevertheless be able to find
1251
+ satisfaction in the ego ideal which has been differentiated out of the
1252
+ ego. In delusions of observation, as we have further shown, the
1253
+ disintegration of this faculty has become patent, and has thus revealed
1254
+ its origin in the influence of superior powers, and above all of
1255
+ parents.[45] But we have not forgotten to add that the amount of
1256
+ distance between this ego ideal and the real ego is very variable from
1257
+ one individual to another, and that with many people this
1258
+ differentiation within the ego does not go further than with children.
1259
+
1260
+ But before we can employ this material for understanding the libidinal
1261
+ organisation of groups, we must take into account some other examples of
1262
+ the mutual relations between the object and the ego.[46]
1263
+
1264
+ Even in its caprices the usage of language remains true to some kind of
1265
+ reality. Thus it gives the name of 'love' to a great many kinds of
1266
+ emotional relationship which we too group together theoretically as
1267
+ love; but then again it feels a doubt whether this love is real, true,
1268
+ actual love, and so hints at a whole scale of possibilities within the
1269
+ range of the phenomena of love. We shall have no difficulty in making
1270
+ the same discovery empirically.
1271
+
1272
+ In one class of cases being in love is nothing more than object-cathexis
1273
+ on the part of the sexual instincts with a view to directly sexual
1274
+ satisfaction, a cathexis which expires, moreover, when this aim has been
1275
+ reached; this is what is called common, sensual love. But, as we know,
1276
+ the libidinal situation rarely remains so simple. It was possible to
1277
+ calculate with certainty upon the revival of the need which had just
1278
+ expired; and this must no doubt have been the first motive for
1279
+ directing a lasting cathexis upon the sexual object and for 'loving' it
1280
+ in the passionless intervals as well.
1281
+
1282
+ To this must be added another factor derived from the astonishing course
1283
+ of development which is pursued by the erotic life of man. In his first
1284
+ phase, which has usually come to an end by the time he is five years
1285
+ old, a child has found the first object for his love in one or other of
1286
+ his parents, and all of his sexual instincts with their demand for
1287
+ satisfaction have been united upon this object. The repression which
1288
+ then sets in compels him to renounce the greater number of these
1289
+ infantile sexual aims, and leaves behind a profound modification in his
1290
+ relation to his parents. The child still remains tied to his parents,
1291
+ but by instincts which must be described as being 'inhibited in their
1292
+ aim [_zielgehemmte_]'. The emotions which he feels henceforward towards
1293
+ these objects of his love are characterized as 'tender'. It is well
1294
+ known that the earlier 'sensual' tendencies remain more or less strongly
1295
+ preserved in the unconscious, so that in a certain sense the whole of
1296
+ the original current continues to exist.[47]
1297
+
1298
+ At puberty, as we know, there set in new and very strong tendencies with
1299
+ directly sexual aims. In unfavourable cases they remain separate, in the
1300
+ form of a sensual current, from the 'tender' emotional trends which
1301
+ persist. We are then faced by a picture the two aspects of which certain
1302
+ movements in literature take such delight in idealising. A man of this
1303
+ kind will show a sentimental enthusiasm for women whom he deeply
1304
+ respects but who do not excite him to sexual activities, and he will
1305
+ only be potent with other women whom he does not 'love' but thinks
1306
+ little of or even despises.[48] More often, however, the adolescent
1307
+ succeeds in bringing about a certain degree of synthesis between the
1308
+ unsensual, heavenly love and the sensual, earthly love, and his relation
1309
+ to his sexual object is characterised by the interaction of uninhibited
1310
+ instincts and of instincts inhibited in their aim. The depth to which
1311
+ anyone is in love, as contrasted with his purely sensual desire, may be
1312
+ measured by the size of the share taken by the inhibited instincts of
1313
+ tenderness.
1314
+
1315
+ In connection with this question of being in love we have always been
1316
+ struck by the phenomenon of sexual over-estimation--the fact that the
1317
+ loved object enjoys a certain amount of freedom from criticism, and that
1318
+ all its characteristics are valued more highly than those of people who
1319
+ are not loved, or than its own were at a time when it itself was not
1320
+ loved. If the sensual tendencies are somewhat more effectively
1321
+ repressed or set aside, the illusion is produced that the object has
1322
+ come to be sensually loved on account of its spiritual merits, whereas
1323
+ on the contrary these merits may really only have been lent to it by its
1324
+ sensual charm.
1325
+
1326
+ The tendency which falsifies judgement in this respect is that of
1327
+ _idealisation_. But this makes it easier for us to find our way about.
1328
+ We see that the object is being treated in the same way as our own ego,
1329
+ so that when we are in love a considerable amount of narcissistic libido
1330
+ overflows on to the object. It is even obvious, in many forms of love
1331
+ choice, that the object serves as a substitute for some unattained ego
1332
+ ideal of our own. We love it on account of the perfections which we have
1333
+ striven to reach for our own ego, and which we should now like to
1334
+ procure in this roundabout way as a means of satisfying our narcissism.
1335
+
1336
+ If the sexual over-estimation and the being in love increase even
1337
+ further, then the interpretation of the picture becomes still more
1338
+ unmistakable. The tendencies whose trend is towards directly sexual
1339
+ satisfaction may now be pushed back entirely, as regularly happens, for
1340
+ instance, with the young man's sentimental passion; the ego becomes more
1341
+ and more unassuming and modest, and the object more and more sublime and
1342
+ precious, until at last it gets possession of the entire self-love of
1343
+ the ego, whose self-sacrifice thus follows as a natural consequence. The
1344
+ object has, so to speak, consumed the ego. Traits of humility, of the
1345
+ limitation of narcissism, and of self-injury occur in every case of
1346
+ being in love; in the extreme case they are only intensified, and as a
1347
+ result of the withdrawal of the sensual claims they remain in solitary
1348
+ supremacy.
1349
+
1350
+ This happens especially easily with love that is unhappy and cannot be
1351
+ satisfied; for in spite of everything each sexual satisfaction always
1352
+ involves a reduction in sexual over-estimation. Contemporaneously with
1353
+ this 'devotion' of the ego to the object, which is no longer to be
1354
+ distinguished from a sublimated devotion to an abstract idea, the
1355
+ functions allotted to the ego ideal entirely cease to operate. The
1356
+ criticism exercised by that faculty is silent; everything that the
1357
+ object does and asks for is right and blameless. Conscience has no
1358
+ application to anything that is done for the sake of the object; in the
1359
+ blindness of love remorselessness is carried to the pitch of crime. The
1360
+ whole situation can be completely summarised in a formula: _The object
1361
+ has taken the place of the ego ideal._
1362
+
1363
+ It is now easy to define the distinction between identification and such
1364
+ extreme developments of being in love as may be described as fascination
1365
+ or infatuation. In the former case the ego has enriched itself with the
1366
+ properties of the object, it has 'introjected' the object into itself,
1367
+ as Ferenczi expresses it. In the second case it is impoverished, it has
1368
+ surrendered itself to the object, it has substituted the object for its
1369
+ most important constituent. Closer consideration soon makes it plain,
1370
+ however, that this kind of account creates an illusion of
1371
+ contradistinctions that have no real existence. Economically there is no
1372
+ question of impoverishment or enrichment; it is even possible to
1373
+ describe an extreme case of being in love as a state in which the ego
1374
+ has introjected the object into itself. Another distinction is perhaps
1375
+ better calculated to meet the essence of the matter. In the case of
1376
+ identification the object has been lost or given up; it is then set up
1377
+ again inside the ego, and the ego makes a partial alteration in itself
1378
+ after the model of the lost object. In the other case the object is
1379
+ retained, and there is a hyper-cathexis of it by the ego and at the
1380
+ ego's expense. But here again a difficulty presents itself. Is it quite
1381
+ certain that identification presupposes that object-cathexis has been
1382
+ given up? Can there be no identification with the object retained? And
1383
+ before we embark upon a discussion of this delicate question, the
1384
+ perception may already be beginning to dawn on us that yet another
1385
+ alternative embraces the real essence of the matter, namely, _whether
1386
+ the object is put in the place of the ego or of the ego ideal_.
1387
+
1388
+ From being in love to hypnosis is evidently only a short step. The
1389
+ respects in which the two agree are obvious. There is the same humble
1390
+ subjection, the same compliance, the same absence of criticism, towards
1391
+ the hypnotist just as towards the loved object. There is the same
1392
+ absorption of one's own initiative; no one can doubt that the hypnotist
1393
+ has stepped into the place of the ego ideal. It is only that everything
1394
+ is even clearer and more intense in hypnosis, so that it would be more
1395
+ to the point to explain being in love by means of hypnosis than the
1396
+ other way round. The hypnotist is the sole object, and no attention is
1397
+ paid to any but him. The fact that the ego experiences in a dream-like
1398
+ way whatever he may request or assert reminds us that we omitted to
1399
+ mention among the functions of the ego ideal the business of testing the
1400
+ reality of things.[49] No wonder that the ego takes a perception for
1401
+ real if its reality is vouched for by the mental faculty which
1402
+ ordinarily discharges the duty of testing the reality of things. The
1403
+ complete absence of tendencies which are uninhibited in their sexual
1404
+ aims contributes further towards the extreme purity of the phenomena.
1405
+ The hypnotic relation is the devotion of someone in love to an unlimited
1406
+ degree but with sexual satisfaction excluded; whereas in the case of
1407
+ being in love this kind of satisfaction is only temporarily kept back,
1408
+ and remains in the background as a possible aim at some later time.
1409
+
1410
+ But on the other hand we may also say that the hypnotic relation is (if
1411
+ the expression is permissible) a group formation with two members.
1412
+ Hypnosis is not a good object for comparison with a group formation,
1413
+ because it is truer to say that it is identical with it. Out of the
1414
+ complicated fabric of the group it isolates one element for us--the
1415
+ behaviour of the individual to the leader. Hypnosis is distinguished
1416
+ from a group formation by this limitation of number, just as it is
1417
+ distinguished from being in love by the absence of directly sexual
1418
+ tendencies. In this respect it occupies a middle position between the
1419
+ two.
1420
+
1421
+ It is interesting to see that it is precisely those sexual tendencies
1422
+ that are inhibited in their aims which achieve such lasting ties between
1423
+ men. But this can easily be understood from the fact that they are not
1424
+ capable of complete satisfaction, while sexual tendencies which are
1425
+ uninhibited in their aims suffer an extraordinary reduction through the
1426
+ discharge of energy every time the sexual aim is attained. It is the
1427
+ fate of sensual love to become extinguished when it is satisfied; for it
1428
+ to be able to last, it must from the first be mixed with purely tender
1429
+ components--with such, that is, as are inhibited in their aims--or it
1430
+ must itself undergo a transformation of this kind.
1431
+
1432
+ Hypnosis would solve the riddle of the libidinal constitution of groups
1433
+ for us straight away, if it were not that it itself exhibits some
1434
+ features which are not met by the rational explanation we have hitherto
1435
+ given of it as a state of being in love with the directly sexual
1436
+ tendencies excluded. There is still a great deal in it which we must
1437
+ recognise as unexplained and mystical. It contains an additional element
1438
+ of paralysis derived from the relation between someone with superior
1439
+ power and someone who is without power and helpless--which may afford a
1440
+ transition to the hypnosis of terror which occurs in animals. The manner
1441
+ in which it is produced and its relationship to sleep are not clear; and
1442
+ the puzzling way in which some people are subject to it, while others
1443
+ resist it completely, points to some factor still unknown which is
1444
+ realised in it and which perhaps alone makes possible the purity of the
1445
+ attitudes of the libido which it exhibits. It is noticeable that, even
1446
+ when there is complete suggestive compliance in other respects, the
1447
+ moral conscience of the person hypnotized may show resistance. But this
1448
+ may be due to the fact that in hypnosis as it is usually practised some
1449
+ knowledge may be retained that what is happening is only a game, an
1450
+ untrue reproduction of another situation of far more importance to life.
1451
+
1452
+ But after the preceding discussions we are quite in a position to give
1453
+ the formula for the libidinal constitution of groups: or at least of
1454
+ such groups as we have hitherto considered, namely, those that have a
1455
+ leader and have not been able by means of too much 'organisation' to
1456
+ acquire secondarily the characteristics of an individual. _A primary
1457
+ group of this kind is a number of individuals who have substituted one
1458
+ and the same object for their ego ideal and have consequently identified
1459
+ themselves with one another in their ego._ This condition admits of
1460
+ graphic representation:
1461
+
1462
+ We cannot for long enjoy the illusion that we have solved the riddle of
1463
+ the group with this formula. It is impossible to escape the immediate
1464
+ and disturbing recollection that all we have really done has been to
1465
+ shift the question on to the riddle of hypnosis, about which so many
1466
+ points have yet to be cleared up. And now another objection shows us our
1467
+ further path.
1468
+
1469
+ It might be said that the intense emotional ties which we observe in
1470
+ groups are quite sufficient to explain one of their characteristics--the
1471
+ lack of independence and initiative in their members, the similarity in
1472
+ the reactions of all of them, their reduction, so to speak, to the level
1473
+ of group individuals. But if we look at it as a whole, a group shows us
1474
+ more than this. Some of its features--the weakness of intellectual
1475
+ ability, the lack of emotional restraint, the incapacity for moderation
1476
+ and delay, the inclination to exceed every limit in the expression of
1477
+ emotion and to work it off completely in the form of action--these and
1478
+ similar features, which we find so impressively described in Le Bon,
1479
+ show an unmistakable picture of a regression of mental activity to an
1480
+ earlier stage such as we are not surprised to find among savages or
1481
+ children. A regression of this sort is in particular an essential
1482
+ characteristic of common groups, while, as we have heard, in organized
1483
+ and artificial groups it can to a large extent be checked.
1484
+
1485
+ We thus have an impression of a state in which an individual's separate
1486
+ emotion and personal intellectual act are too weak to come to anything
1487
+ by themselves and are absolutely obliged to wait till they are
1488
+ reinforced through being repeated in a similar way in the other members
1489
+ of the group. We are reminded of how many of these phenomena of
1490
+ dependence are part of the normal constitution of human society, of how
1491
+ little originality and personal courage are to be found in it, of how
1492
+ much every individual is ruled by those attitudes of the group mind
1493
+ which exhibit themselves in such forms as racial characteristics, class
1494
+ prejudices, public opinion, etc. The influence of suggestion becomes a
1495
+ greater riddle for us when we admit that it is not exercised only by the
1496
+ leader, but by every individual upon every other individual; and we must
1497
+ reproach ourselves with having unfairly emphasized the relation to the
1498
+ leader and with having kept the other factor of mutual suggestion too
1499
+ much in the background.
1500
+
1501
+ After this encouragement to modesty, we shall be inclined to listen to
1502
+ another voice, which promises us an explanation based upon simpler
1503
+ grounds. Such a one is to be found in Trotter's thoughtful book upon the
1504
+ herd instinct, concerning which my only regret is that it does not
1505
+ entirely escape the antipathies that were set loose by the recent great
1506
+ war.[50]
1507
+
1508
+ Trotter derives the mental phenomena that are described as occurring in
1509
+ groups from a herd instinct ('gregariousness'), which is innate in human
1510
+ beings just as in other species of animals. Biologically this
1511
+ gregariousness is an analogy to multicellularity and as it were a
1512
+ continuation of it. From the standpoint of the libido theory it is a
1513
+ further manifestation of the inclination, which proceeds from the
1514
+ libido, and which is felt by all living beings of the same kind, to
1515
+ combine in more and more comprehensive units.[51] The individual feels
1516
+ 'incomplete' if he is alone. The dread shown by small children would
1517
+ seem already to be an expression of this herd instinct. Opposition to
1518
+ the herd is as good as separation from it, and is therefore anxiously
1519
+ avoided. But the herd turns away from anything that is new or unusual.
1520
+ The herd instinct would appear to be something primary, something
1521
+ 'which cannot be split up'.
1522
+
1523
+ Trotter gives as the list of instincts which he considers as primary
1524
+ those of self-preservation, of nutrition, of sex, and of the herd. The
1525
+ last often comes into opposition with the others. The feelings of guilt
1526
+ and of duty are the peculiar possessions of a gregarious animal. Trotter
1527
+ also derives from the herd instinct the repressive forces which
1528
+ psycho-analysis has shown to exist in the ego, and from the same source
1529
+ accordingly the resistances which the physician comes up against in
1530
+ psycho-analytic treatment. Speech owes its importance to its aptitude
1531
+ for mutual understanding in the herd, and upon it the identification of
1532
+ the individuals with one another largely rests.
1533
+
1534
+ While Le Bon is principally concerned with typical transient group
1535
+ formations, and McDougall with stable associations, Trotter has chosen
1536
+ as the centre of his interest the most generalised form of assemblage in
1537
+ which man, that [Greek: zôon politikon], passes his life, and he gives
1538
+ us its psychological basis. But Trotter is under no necessity of tracing
1539
+ back the herd instinct, for he characterizes it as primary and not
1540
+ further reducible. Boris Sidis's attempt, to which he refers, at tracing
1541
+ the herd instinct back to suggestibility is fortunately superfluous as
1542
+ far as he is concerned; it is an explanation of a familiar and
1543
+ unsatisfactory type, and the converse proposition--that suggestibility
1544
+ is a derivative of the herd instinct--would seem to me to throw far more
1545
+ light on the subject.
1546
+
1547
+ But Trotter's exposition, with even more justice than the others', is
1548
+ open to the objection that it takes too little account of the leader's
1549
+ part in a group, while we incline rather to the opposite judgement, that
1550
+ it is impossible to grasp the nature of a group if the leader is
1551
+ disregarded. The herd instinct leaves no room at all for the leader; he
1552
+ is merely thrown in along with the herd, almost by chance; it follows,
1553
+ too, that no path leads from this instinct to the need for a God; the
1554
+ herd is without a herdsman. But besides this Trotter's exposition can be
1555
+ undermined psychologically; that is to say, it can be made at all events
1556
+ probable that the herd instinct is not irreducible, that it is not
1557
+ primary in the same sense as the instinct of self-preservation and the
1558
+ sexual instinct.
1559
+
1560
+ It is naturally no easy matter to trace the ontogenesis of the herd
1561
+ instinct. The dread which is shown by small children when they are left
1562
+ alone, and which Trotter claims as being already a manifestation of the
1563
+ instinct, nevertheless suggests more readily another interpretation. The
1564
+ dread relates to the child's mother, and later to other familiar
1565
+ persons, and it is the expression of an unfulfilled desire, which the
1566
+ child does not yet know how to deal with in any way except by turning
1567
+ it into dread.[52] Nor is the child's dread when it is alone pacified by
1568
+ the sight of any haphazard 'member of the herd', but on the contrary it
1569
+ is only brought into existence by the approach of a 'stranger' of this
1570
+ sort. Then for a long time nothing in the nature of herd instinct or
1571
+ group feeling is to be observed in children. Something like it grows up
1572
+ first of all, in a nursery containing many children, out of the
1573
+ children's relation to their parents, and it does so as a reaction to
1574
+ the initial envy with which the elder child receives the younger one.
1575
+ The elder child would certainly like to put its successor jealously
1576
+ aside, to keep it away from the parents, and to rob it of all its
1577
+ privileges; but in face of the fact that this child (like all that come
1578
+ later) is loved by the parents in just the same way, and in consequence
1579
+ of the impossibility of maintaining its hostile attitude without
1580
+ damaging itself, it is forced into identifying itself with the other
1581
+ children. So there grows up in the troop of children a communal or group
1582
+ feeling, which is then further developed at school. The first demand
1583
+ made by this reaction-formation is for justice, for equal treatment for
1584
+ all. We all know how loudly and implacably this claim is put forward at
1585
+ school. If one cannot be the favourite oneself, at all events nobody
1586
+ else shall be the favourite. This transformation--the replacing of
1587
+ jealousy by a group feeling in the nursery and classroom--might be
1588
+ considered improbable, if the same process could not later on be
1589
+ observed again in other circumstances. We have only to think of the
1590
+ troop of women and girls, all of them in love in an enthusiastically
1591
+ sentimental way, who crowd round a singer or pianist after his
1592
+ performance. It would certainly be easy for each of them to be jealous
1593
+ of the rest; but, in face of their numbers and the consequent
1594
+ impossibility of their reaching the aim of their love, they renounce it,
1595
+ and, instead of pulling out one another's hair, they act as a united
1596
+ group, do homage to the hero of the occasion with their common actions,
1597
+ and would probably be glad to have a share of his flowing locks.
1598
+ Originally rivals, they have succeeded in identifying themselves with
1599
+ one another by means of a similar love for the same object. When, as is
1600
+ usual, a situation in the field of the instincts is capable of various
1601
+ outcomes, we need not be surprised if the actual outcome is one which
1602
+ involves the possibility of a certain amount of satisfaction, while
1603
+ another, even though in itself more obvious, is passed over because the
1604
+ circumstances of life prevent its attaining this aim.
1605
+
1606
+ What appears later on in society in the shape of _Gemeingeist_, _esprit
1607
+ de corps_, 'group spirit', etc., does not belie its derivation from what
1608
+ was originally envy. No one must want to put himself forward, every one
1609
+ must be the same and have the same. Social justice means that we deny
1610
+ ourselves many things so that others may have to do without them as
1611
+ well, or, what is the same thing, may not be able to ask for them. This
1612
+ demand for equality is the root of social conscience and the sense of
1613
+ duty. It reveals itself unexpectedly in the syphilitic's dread of
1614
+ infecting other people, which psycho-analysis has taught us to
1615
+ understand. The dread exhibited by these poor wretches corresponds to
1616
+ their violent struggles against the unconscious wish to spread their
1617
+ infection on to other people; for why should they alone be infected and
1618
+ cut off from so much? why not other people as well? And the same germ is
1619
+ to be found in the pretty anecdote of the judgement of Solomon. If one
1620
+ woman's child is dead, the other shall not have a live one either. The
1621
+ bereaved woman is recognized by this wish.
1622
+
1623
+ Thus social feeling is based upon the reversal of what was first a
1624
+ hostile feeling into a positively-toned tie of the nature of an
1625
+ identification. So far as we have hitherto been able to follow the
1626
+ course of events, this reversal appears to be effected under the
1627
+ influence of a common tender tie with a person outside the group. We do
1628
+ not ourselves regard our analysis of identification as exhaustive, but
1629
+ it is enough for our present purpose that we should revert to this one
1630
+ feature--its demand that equalization shall be consistently carried
1631
+ through. We have already heard in the discussion of the two artificial
1632
+ groups, church and army, that their preliminary condition is that all
1633
+ their members should be loved in the same way by one person, the leader.
1634
+ Do not let us forget, however, that the demand for equality in a group
1635
+ applies only to its members and not to the leader. All the members must
1636
+ be equal to one another, but they all want to be ruled by one person.
1637
+ Many equals, who can identify themselves with one another, and a single
1638
+ person superior to them all--that is the situation that we find realised
1639
+ in groups which are capable of subsisting. Let us venture, then, to
1640
+ correct Trotter's pronouncement that man is a herd animal and assert
1641
+ that he is rather a horde animal, an individual creature in a horde led
1642
+ by a chief.
1643
+
1644
+ In 1912 I took up a conjecture of Darwin's to the effect that the
1645
+ primitive form of human society was that of a horde ruled over
1646
+ despotically by a powerful male. I attempted to show that the fortunes
1647
+ of this horde have left indestructible traces upon the history of human
1648
+ descent; and, especially, that the development of totemism, which
1649
+ comprises in itself the beginnings of religion, morality, and social
1650
+ organisation, is connected with the killing of the chief by violence and
1651
+ the transformation of the paternal horde into a community of
1652
+ brothers.[53] To be sure, this is only a hypothesis, like so many others
1653
+ with which archaeologists endeavour to lighten the darkness of
1654
+ prehistoric times--a 'Just-So Story', as it was amusingly called by a
1655
+ not unkind critic (Kroeger); but I think it is creditable to such a
1656
+ hypothesis if it proves able to bring coherence and understanding into
1657
+ more and more new regions.
1658
+
1659
+ Human groups exhibit once again the familiar picture of an individual of
1660
+ superior strength among a troop of similar companions, a picture which
1661
+ is also contained in our idea of the primal horde. The psychology of
1662
+ such a group, as we know it from the descriptions to which we have so
1663
+ often referred--the dwindling of the conscious individual personality,
1664
+ the focussing of thoughts and feelings into a common direction, the
1665
+ predominance of the emotions and of the unconscious mental life, the
1666
+ tendency to the immediate carrying out of intentions as they emerge--all
1667
+ this corresponds to a state of regression to a primitive mental
1668
+ activity, of just such a sort as we should be inclined to ascribe to the
1669
+ primal horde.[54]
1670
+
1671
+ Thus the group appears to us as a revival of the primal horde. Just as
1672
+ primitive man virtually survives in every individual, so the primal
1673
+ horde may arise once more out of any random crowd; in so far as men are
1674
+ habitually under the sway of group formation we recognise in it the
1675
+ survival of the primal horde. We must conclude that the psychology of
1676
+ the group is the oldest human psychology; what we have isolated as
1677
+ individual psychology, by neglecting all traces of the group, has only
1678
+ since come into prominence out of the old group psychology, by a gradual
1679
+ process which may still, perhaps, be described as incomplete. We shall
1680
+ later venture upon an attempt at specifying the point of departure of
1681
+ this development.
1682
+
1683
+ Further reflection will show us in what respect this statement requires
1684
+ correction. Individual psychology must, on the contrary, be just as old
1685
+ as group psychology, for from the first there were two kinds of
1686
+ psychologies, that of the individual members of the group and that of
1687
+ the father, chief, or leader. The members of the group were subject to
1688
+ ties just as we see them to-day, but the father of the primal horde was
1689
+ free. His intellectual acts were strong and independent even in
1690
+ isolation, and his will needed no reinforcement from others. Consistency
1691
+ leads us to assume that his ego had few libidinal ties; he loved no one
1692
+ but himself, or other people only in so far as they served his needs. To
1693
+ objects his ego gave away no more than was barely necessary.
1694
+
1695
+ He, at the very beginning of the history of mankind, was the _Superman_
1696
+ whom Nietzsche only expected from the future. Even to-day the members of
1697
+ a group stand in need of the illusion that they are equally and justly
1698
+ loved by their leader; but the leader himself need love no one else, he
1699
+ may be of a masterly nature, absolutely narcissistic, but self-confident
1700
+ and independent. We know that love puts a check upon narcissism, and it
1701
+ would be possible to show how, by operating in this way, it became a
1702
+ factor of civilisation.
1703
+
1704
+ The primal father of the horde was not yet immortal, as he later became
1705
+ by deification. If he died, he had to be replaced; his place was
1706
+ probably taken by a youngest son, who had up to then been a member of
1707
+ the group like any other. There must therefore be a possibility of
1708
+ transforming group psychology into individual psychology; a condition
1709
+ must be discovered under which such a transformation is easily
1710
+ accomplished, just as it is possible for bees in case of necessity to
1711
+ turn a larva into a queen instead of into a worker. One can imagine only
1712
+ one possibility: the primal father had prevented his sons from
1713
+ satisfying their directly sexual tendencies; he forced them into
1714
+ abstinence and consequently into the emotional ties with him and with
1715
+ one another which could arise out of those of their tendencies that were
1716
+ inhibited in their sexual aim. He forced them, so to speak, into group
1717
+ psychology. His sexual jealousy and intolerance became in the last
1718
+ resort the causes of group psychology.[55]
1719
+
1720
+ Whoever became his successor was also given the possibility of sexual
1721
+ satisfaction, and was by that means offered a way out of the conditions
1722
+ of group psychology. The fixation of the libido to woman and the
1723
+ possibility of satisfaction without any need for delay or accumulation
1724
+ made and end of the importance of those of his sexual tendencies that
1725
+ were inhibited in their aim, and allowed his narcissism always to rise
1726
+ to its full height. We shall return in a postscript to this connection
1727
+ between love and character formation.
1728
+
1729
+ We may further emphasize, as being specially instructive, the relation
1730
+ that holds between the contrivance by means of which an artificial group
1731
+ is held together and the constitution of the primal horde. We have seen
1732
+ that with an army and a church this contrivance is the illusion that
1733
+ the leader loves all of the individuals equally and justly. But this is
1734
+ simply an idealistic remodelling of the state of affairs in the primal
1735
+ horde, where all of the sons knew that they were equally persecuted by
1736
+ the primal father, and feared him equally. This same recasting upon
1737
+ which all social duties are built up is already presupposed by the next
1738
+ form of human society, the totemistic clan. The indestructible strength
1739
+ of the family as a natural group formation rests upon the fact that this
1740
+ necessary presupposition of the father's equal love can have a real
1741
+ application in the family.
1742
+
1743
+ But we expect even more of this derivation of the group from the primal
1744
+ horde. It ought also to help us to understand what is still
1745
+ incomprehensible and mysterious in group formations--all that lies
1746
+ hidden behind the enigmatic words hypnosis and suggestion. And I think
1747
+ it can succeed in this too. Let us recall that hypnosis has something
1748
+ positively uncanny about it; but the characteristic of uncanniness
1749
+ suggests something old and familiar that has undergone repression.[56]
1750
+ Let us consider how hypnosis is induced. The hypnotist asserts that he
1751
+ is in possession of a mysterious power which robs the subject of his own
1752
+ will, or, which is the same thing, the subject believes it of him. This
1753
+ mysterious power (which is even now often described popularly as animal
1754
+ magnetism) must be the same that is looked upon by primitive people as
1755
+ the source of taboo, the same that emanates from kings and chieftains
1756
+ and makes it dangerous to approach them (_mana_). The hypnotist, then,
1757
+ is supposed to be in possession of this power; and how does he manifest
1758
+ it? By telling the subject to look him in the eyes; his most typical
1759
+ method of hypnotising is by his look. But it is precisely the sight of
1760
+ the chieftain that is dangerous and unbearable for primitive people,
1761
+ just as later that of the Godhead is for mortals. Even Moses had to act
1762
+ as an intermediary between his people and Jehovah, since the people
1763
+ could not support the sight of God; and when he returned from the
1764
+ presence of God his face shone--some of the _mana_ had been transferred
1765
+ on to him, just as happens with the intermediary among primitive
1766
+ people.[57]
1767
+
1768
+ It is true that hypnosis can also be evoked in other ways, for instance
1769
+ by fixing the eyes upon a bright object or by listening to a monotonous
1770
+ sound. This is misleading and has given occasion to inadequate
1771
+ physiological theories. As a matter of fact these procedures merely
1772
+ serve to divert conscious attention and to hold it riveted. The
1773
+ situation is the same as if the hypnotist had said to the subject: 'Now
1774
+ concern yourself exclusively with my person; the rest of the world is
1775
+ quite uninteresting.' It would of course be technically inexpedient for
1776
+ a hypnotist to make such a speech; it would tear the subject away from
1777
+ his unconscious attitude and stimulate him to conscious opposition. The
1778
+ hypnotist avoids directing the subject's conscious thoughts towards his
1779
+ own intentions, and makes the person upon whom he is experimenting sink
1780
+ into an activity in which the world is bound to seem uninteresting to
1781
+ him; but at the same time the subject is in reality unconsciously
1782
+ concentrating his whole attention upon the hypnotist, and is getting
1783
+ into an attitude of _rapport_, of transference on to him. Thus the
1784
+ indirect methods of hypnotising, like many of the technical procedures
1785
+ used in making jokes, have the effect of checking certain distributions
1786
+ of mental energy which would interfere with the course of events in the
1787
+ unconscious, and they lead eventually to the same result as the direct
1788
+ methods of influence by means of staring or stroking.[58]
1789
+
1790
+ Ferenczi has made the true discovery that when a hypnotist gives the
1791
+ command to sleep, which is often done at the beginning of hypnosis, he
1792
+ is putting himself in the place of the subject's parents. He thinks that
1793
+ two sorts of hypnosis are to be distinguished: one coaxing and soothing,
1794
+ which he considers is modelled upon the mother, and another threatening,
1795
+ which is derived from the father.[59] Now the command to sleep in
1796
+ hypnosis means nothing more nor less than an order to withdraw all
1797
+ interest from the world and to concentrate it upon the person of the
1798
+ hypnotist. And it is so understood by the subject; for in this
1799
+ withdrawal of interest from the outer world lies the psychological
1800
+ characteristic of sleep, and the kinship between sleep and the state of
1801
+ hypnosis is based upon it.
1802
+
1803
+ By the measures that he takes, then, the hypnotist awakens in the
1804
+ subject a portion of his archaic inheritance which had also made him
1805
+ compliant towards his parents and which had experienced an individual
1806
+ re-animation in his relation to his father; what is thus awakened is the
1807
+ idea of a paramount and dangerous personality, towards whom only a
1808
+ passive-masochistic attitude is possible, to whom one's will has to be
1809
+ surrendered,--while to be alone with him, 'to look him in the face',
1810
+ appears a hazardous enterprise. It is only in some such way as this that
1811
+ we can picture the relation of the individual member of the primal horde
1812
+ to the primal father. As we know from other reactions, individuals have
1813
+ preserved a variable degree of personal aptitude for reviving old
1814
+ situations of this kind. Some knowledge that in spite of everything
1815
+ hypnosis is only a game, a deceptive renewal of these old impressions,
1816
+ may however remain behind and take care that there is a resistance
1817
+ against any too serious consequences of the suspension of the will in
1818
+ hypnosis.
1819
+
1820
+ The uncanny and coercive characteristics of group formations, which are
1821
+ shown in their suggestion phenomena, may therefore with justice be
1822
+ traced back to the fact of their origin from the primal horde. The
1823
+ leader of the group is still the dreaded primal father; the group still
1824
+ wishes to be governed by unrestricted force; it has an extreme passion
1825
+ for authority; in Le Bon's phrase, it has a thirst for obedience. The
1826
+ primal father is the group ideal, which governs the ego in the place of
1827
+ the ego ideal. Hypnosis has a good claim to being described as a group
1828
+ of two; there remains as a definition for suggestion--a conviction which
1829
+ is not based upon perception and reasoning but upon an erotic tie.[60]
1830
+
1831
+ If we survey the life of an individual man of to-day, bearing in mind
1832
+ the mutually complementary accounts of group psychology given by the
1833
+ authorities, we may lose the courage, in face of the complications that
1834
+ are revealed, to attempt a comprehensive exposition. Each individual is
1835
+ a component part of numerous groups, he is bound by ties of
1836
+ identification in many directions, and he has built up his ego ideal
1837
+ upon the most various models. Each individual therefore has a share in
1838
+ numerous group minds--those of his race, of his class, of his creed, of
1839
+ his nationality, etc.--and he can also raise himself above them to the
1840
+ extent of having a scrap of independence and originality. Such stable
1841
+ and lasting group formations, with their uniform and constant effects,
1842
+ are less striking to an observer than the rapidly formed and transient
1843
+ groups from which Le Bon has made his brilliant psychological character
1844
+ sketch of the group mind. And it is just in these noisy ephemeral
1845
+ groups, which are as it were superimposed upon the others, that we are
1846
+ met by the prodigy of the complete, even though only temporary,
1847
+ disappearance of exactly what we have recognized as individual
1848
+ acquirements.
1849
+
1850
+ We have interpreted this prodigy as meaning that the individual gives up
1851
+ his ego ideal and substitutes for it the group ideal as embodied in the
1852
+ leader. And we must add by way of correction that the prodigy is not
1853
+ equally great in every case. In many individuals the separation between
1854
+ the ego and the ego ideal is not very far advanced; the two still
1855
+ coincide readily; the ego has often preserved its earlier
1856
+ self-complacency. The selection of the leader is very much facilitated
1857
+ by this circumstance. He need only possess the typical qualities of the
1858
+ individuals concerned in a particularly clearly marked and pure form,
1859
+ and need only give an impression of greater force and of more freedom of
1860
+ libido; and in that case the need for a strong chief will often meet him
1861
+ half-way and invest him with a predominance to which he would otherwise
1862
+ perhaps have had no claim. The other members of the group, whose ego
1863
+ ideal would not, apart from this, have become embodied in his person
1864
+ without some correction, are then carried away with the rest by
1865
+ 'suggestion', that is to say, by means of identification.
1866
+
1867
+ We are aware that what we have been able to contribute towards the
1868
+ explanation of the libidinal structure of groups leads back to the
1869
+ distinction between the ego and the ego ideal and to the double kind of
1870
+ tie which this makes possible--identification, and substitution of the
1871
+ object for the ego ideal. The assumption of this kind of differentiating
1872
+ grade [_Stufe_] in the ego as a first step in an analysis of the ego
1873
+ must gradually establish its justification in the most various regions
1874
+ of psychology. In my paper 'Zur Einführung des Narzissmus' I have put
1875
+ together all the pathological material that could at the moment be used
1876
+ in support of this separation. But it may be expected that when we
1877
+ penetrate deeper into the psychology of the psychoses its significance
1878
+ will be discovered to be far greater. Let us reflect that the ego now
1879
+ appears in the relation of an object to the ego ideal which has been
1880
+ developed out of it, and that all the interplay between an outer object
1881
+ and the ego as a whole, with which our study of the neuroses has made us
1882
+ acquainted, may possibly be repeated upon this new scene of action
1883
+ inside the ego.
1884
+
1885
+ In this place I shall only follow up one of the consequences which seem
1886
+ possible from this point of view, thus resuming the discussion of a
1887
+ problem which I was obliged to leave unsolved elsewhere.[61] Each of the
1888
+ mental differentiations that we have become acquainted with represents a
1889
+ fresh aggravation of the difficulties of mental functioning, increases
1890
+ its instability, and may become the starting-point for its breakdown,
1891
+ that is, for the onset of a disease. Thus, by being born we have made
1892
+ the step from an absolutely self-sufficient narcissism to the perception
1893
+ of a changing outer world and to the beginnings of the discovery of
1894
+ objects. And with this is associated the fact that we cannot endure the
1895
+ new state of things for long, that we periodically revert from it, in
1896
+ our sleep, to our former condition of absence of stimulation and
1897
+ avoidance of objects. It is true, however, that in this we are following
1898
+ a hint from the outer world, which, by means of the periodical change of
1899
+ day and night, temporarily withdraws the greater part of the stimuli
1900
+ that affect us. The second example, which is pathologically more
1901
+ important, is not subject to any such qualification. In the course of
1902
+ our development we have effected a separation of our mental existence
1903
+ into a coherent ego and into an unconscious and repressed portion which
1904
+ is left outside it; and we know that the stability of this new
1905
+ acquisition is exposed to constant shocks. In dreams and in neuroses
1906
+ what is thus excluded knocks for admission at the gates, guarded though
1907
+ they are by resistances; and in our waking health we make use of special
1908
+ artifices for allowing what is repressed to circumvent the resistances
1909
+ and for receiving it temporarily into our ego to the increase of our
1910
+ pleasure. Wit and humour, and to some extent the comic in general, may
1911
+ be regarded in this light. Everyone acquainted with the psychology of
1912
+ the neuroses will think of similar examples of less importance; but I
1913
+ hasten on to the application I have in view.
1914
+
1915
+ It is quite conceivable that the separation of the ego ideal from the
1916
+ ego cannot be borne for long either, and has to be temporarily undone.
1917
+ In all renunciations and limitations imposed upon the ego a periodical
1918
+ infringement of the prohibition is the rule; this indeed is shown by the
1919
+ institution of festivals, which in origin are nothing more nor less than
1920
+ excesses provided by law and which owe their cheerful character to the
1921
+ release which they bring.[62] The Saturnalia of the Romans and our
1922
+ modern carnival agree in this essential feature with the festivals of
1923
+ primitive people, which usually end in debaucheries of every kind and
1924
+ the transgression of what are at other times the most sacred
1925
+ commandments. But the ego ideal comprises the sum of all the limitations
1926
+ in which the ego has to acquiesce, and for that reason the abrogation of
1927
+ the ideal would necessarily be a magnificent festival for the ego, which
1928
+ might then once again feel satisfied with itself.[63]
1929
+
1930
+ There is always a feeling of triumph when something in the ego coincides
1931
+ with the ego ideal. And the sense of guilt (as well as the sense of
1932
+ inferiority) can also be understood as an expression of tension between
1933
+ the ego and the ego ideal.
1934
+
1935
+ It is well known that there are people the general colour of whose mood
1936
+ oscillates periodically from an excessive depression through some kind
1937
+ of intermediate state to an exalted sense of well-being. These
1938
+ oscillations appear in very different degrees of amplitude, from what is
1939
+ just noticeable to those extreme instances which, in the shape of
1940
+ melancholia and mania, make the most painful or disturbing inroads upon
1941
+ the life of the person concerned. In typical cases of this cyclical
1942
+ depression outer exciting causes do not seem to play any decisive part;
1943
+ as regards inner motives, nothing more (or nothing different) is to be
1944
+ found in these patients than in all others. It has consequently become
1945
+ the custom to consider these cases as not being psychogenic. We shall
1946
+ refer later on to those other exactly similar cases of cyclical
1947
+ depression which can nevertheless easily be traced back to mental
1948
+ traumata.
1949
+
1950
+ Thus the foundation of these spontaneous oscillations of mood is
1951
+ unknown; we are without insight into the mechanism of the displacement
1952
+ of a melancholia by a mania. So we are free to suppose that these
1953
+ patients are people in whom our conjecture might find an actual
1954
+ application--their ego ideal might be temporarily resolved into their
1955
+ ego after having previously ruled it with especial strictness.
1956
+
1957
+ Let us keep to what is clear: On the basis of our analysis of the ego it
1958
+ cannot be doubted that in cases of mania the ego and the ego ideal have
1959
+ fused together, so that the person, in a mood of triumph and
1960
+ self-satisfaction, disturbed by no self-criticism, can enjoy the
1961
+ abolition of his inhibitions, his feelings of consideration for others,
1962
+ and his self-reproaches. It is not so obvious, but nevertheless very
1963
+ probable, that the misery of the melancholiac is the expression of a
1964
+ sharp conflict between the two faculties of his ego, a conflict in which
1965
+ the ideal, in an excess of sensitiveness, relentlessly exhibits its
1966
+ condemnation of the ego in delusions of inferiority and in
1967
+ self-depreciation. The only question is whether we are to look for the
1968
+ causes of these altered relations between the ego and the ego ideal in
1969
+ the periodic rebellions, which we have postulated above, against the new
1970
+ institution, or whether we are to make other circumstances responsible
1971
+ for them.
1972
+
1973
+ A change into mania is not an indispensable feature of the
1974
+ symptomatology of melancholic depression. There are simple melancholias,
1975
+ some in single and some in recurring attacks, which never show this
1976
+ development. On the other hand there are melancholias in which the
1977
+ exciting cause clearly plays an aetiological part. They are those which
1978
+ occur after the loss of a loved object, whether by death or as a result
1979
+ of circumstances which have necessitated the withdrawal of the libido
1980
+ from the object. A psychogenic melancholia of this sort can end in
1981
+ mania, and this cycle can be repeated several times, just as easily as
1982
+ in a case which appears to be spontaneous. Thus the state of things is
1983
+ somewhat obscure, especially as only a few forms and cases of
1984
+ melancholia have been submitted to psycho-analytical investigation.[64]
1985
+ So far we only understand those cases in which the object is given up
1986
+ because it has shown itself unworthy of love. It is then set up again
1987
+ inside the ego, by means of identification, and severely condemned by
1988
+ the ego ideal. The reproaches and attacks directed towards the object
1989
+ come to light in the shape of melancholic self-reproaches.[65]
1990
+
1991
+ A melancholia of this kind may also end in a change to mania; so that
1992
+ the possibility of this happening represents a feature which is
1993
+ independent of the other characteristics in the symptomatology.
1994
+
1995
+ Nevertheless I see no difficulty in assigning to the factor of the
1996
+ periodical rebellion of the ego against the ego ideal a share in both
1997
+ kinds of melancholia, the psychogenic as well as the spontaneous. In the
1998
+ spontaneous kind it may be supposed that the ego ideal is inclined to
1999
+ display a peculiar strictness, which then results automatically in its
2000
+ temporary suspension. In the psychogenic kind the ego would be incited
2001
+ to rebellion by ill-treatment on the part of its ideal--an ill-treatment
2002
+ which it encounters when there has been identification with a rejected
2003
+ object.
2004
+
2005
+ In the course of the enquiry which has just been brought to a
2006
+ provisional end we came across a number of side-paths which we avoided
2007
+ pursuing in the first instance but in which there was much that offered
2008
+ us promises of insight. We propose now to take up a few of the points
2009
+ that have been left on one side in this way.
2010
+
2011
+ A. The distinction between identification of the ego with an object and
2012
+ replacement of the ego ideal by an object finds an interesting
2013
+ illustration in the two great artificial groups which we began by
2014
+ studying, the army and the Christian church.
2015
+
2016
+ It is obvious that a soldier takes his superior, that is, really, the
2017
+ leader of the army, as his ideal, while he identifies himself with his
2018
+ equals, and derives from this community of their egos the obligations
2019
+ for giving mutual help and for sharing possessions which comradeship
2020
+ implies. But he becomes ridiculous if he tries to identify himself with
2021
+ the general. The soldier in _Wallensteins Lager_ laughs at the sergeant
2022
+ for this very reason:
2023
+
2024
+ It is otherwise in the Catholic Church. Every Christian loves Christ as
2025
+ his ideal and feels himself united with all other Christians by the tie
2026
+ of identification. But the Church requires more of him. He has also to
2027
+ identify himself with Christ and love all other Christians as Christ
2028
+ loved them. At both points, therefore, the Church requires that the
2029
+ position of the libido which is given by a group formation should be
2030
+ supplemented. Identification has to be added where object-choice has
2031
+ taken place, and object love where there is identification. This
2032
+ addition evidently goes beyond the constitution of the group. One can be
2033
+ a good Christian and yet be far from the idea of putting oneself in
2034
+ Christ's place and of having like him an all-embracing love for mankind.
2035
+ One need not think oneself capable, weak mortal that one is, of the
2036
+ Saviour's largeness of soul and strength of love. But this further
2037
+ development in the distribution of libido in the group is probably the
2038
+ factor upon which Christianity bases its claim to have reached a higher
2039
+ ethical level.
2040
+
2041
+ B. We have said that it would be possible to specify the point in the
2042
+ mental development of man at which the advance from group to individual
2043
+ psychology was also achieved by the individual members of the group.[67]
2044
+
2045
+ For this purpose we must return for a moment to the scientific myth of
2046
+ the father of the primal horde. He was later on exalted into the creator
2047
+ of the world, and with justice, for he had produced all the sons who
2048
+ composed the first group. He was the ideal of each one of them, at once
2049
+ feared and honoured, a fact which led later to the idea of taboo. These
2050
+ many individuals eventually banded themselves together, killed him and
2051
+ cut him in pieces. None of the group of victors could take his place,
2052
+ or, if one of them did, the battles began afresh, until they understood
2053
+ that they must all renounce their father's heritage. They then formed
2054
+ the totemistic community of brothers, all with equal rights and united
2055
+ by the totem prohibitions which were to preserve and to expiate the
2056
+ memory of the murder. But the dissatisfaction with what had been
2057
+ achieved still remained, and it became the source of new developments.
2058
+ The persons who were united in this group of brothers gradually came
2059
+ towards a revival of the old state of things at a new level. Man became
2060
+ once more the chief of a family, and broke down the prerogatives of the
2061
+ gynaecocracy which had become established during the fatherless period.
2062
+ As a compensation for this he may at that time have acknowledged the
2063
+ mother deities, whose priests were castrated for the mother's
2064
+ protection, after the example that had been given by the father of the
2065
+ primal horde. And yet the new family was only a shadow of the old one;
2066
+ there were numbers of fathers and each one was limited by the rights of
2067
+ the others.
2068
+
2069
+ It was then, perhaps, that some individual, in the exigency of his
2070
+ longing, may have been moved to free himself from the group and take
2071
+ over the father's part. He who did this was the first epic poet; and the
2072
+ advance was achieved in his imagination. This poet disguised the truth
2073
+ with lies in accordance with his longing. He invented the heroic myth.
2074
+ The hero was a man who by himself had slain the father--the father who
2075
+ still appeared in the myth as a totemistic monster. Just as the father
2076
+ had been the boy's first ideal, so in the hero who aspires to the
2077
+ father's place the poet now created the first ego ideal. The transition
2078
+ to the hero was probably afforded by the youngest son, the mother's
2079
+ favourite, whom she had protected from paternal jealousy, and who, in
2080
+ the era of the primal horde, had been the father's successor. In the
2081
+ lying poetic fancies of prehistoric times the woman, who had been the
2082
+ prize of battle and the allurement to murder, was probably turned into
2083
+ the seducer and instigator to the crime.
2084
+
2085
+ The hero claims to have acted alone in accomplishing the deed, which
2086
+ certainly only the horde as a whole would have ventured upon. But, as
2087
+ Rank has observed, fairy tales have preserved clear traces of the facts
2088
+ which were disavowed. For we often find in them that the hero who has to
2089
+ carry out some difficult task (usually a youngest son, and not
2090
+ infrequently one who has represented himself to the father surrogate as
2091
+ being stupid, that is to say, harmless)--we often find, then, that this
2092
+ hero can carry out his task only by the help of a crowd of small
2093
+ animals, such as bees or ants. These would be the brothers in the primal
2094
+ horde, just as in the same way in dream symbolism insects or vermin
2095
+ signify brothers and sisters (contemptuously, considered as babies).
2096
+ Moreover every one of the tasks in myths and fairy tales is easily
2097
+ recognisable as a substitute for the heroic deed.
2098
+
2099
+ The myth, then, is the step by which the individual emerges from group
2100
+ psychology. The first myth was certainly the psychological, the hero
2101
+ myth; the explanatory nature myth must have followed much later. The
2102
+ poet who had taken this step and had in this way set himself free from
2103
+ the group in his imagination, is nevertheless able (as Rank has further
2104
+ observed) to find his way back to it in reality. For he goes and relates
2105
+ to the group his hero's deeds which he has invented. At bottom this hero
2106
+ is no one but himself. Thus he lowers himself to the level of reality,
2107
+ and raises his hearers to the level of imagination. But his hearers
2108
+ understand the poet, and, in virtue of their having the same relation of
2109
+ longing towards the primal father, they can identify themselves with the
2110
+ hero.[68]
2111
+
2112
+ The lie of the heroic myth culminates in the deification of the hero.
2113
+ Perhaps the deified hero may have been earlier than the Father God and
2114
+ may have been a precursor to the return of the primal father as a deity.
2115
+ The series of gods, then, would run chronologically: Mother
2116
+ Goddess--Hero--Father God. But it is only with the elevation of the
2117
+ never forgotten primal father that the deity acquires the features that
2118
+ we still recognise in him to-day.[69]
2119
+
2120
+ C. A great deal has been said in this paper about directly sexual
2121
+ instincts and those that are inhibited in their aims, and it may be
2122
+ hoped that this distinction will not meet with too much resistance. But
2123
+ a detailed discussion of the question will not be out of place, even if
2124
+ it only repeats what has to a great extent already been said before.
2125
+
2126
+ The development of the libido in children has made us acquainted with
2127
+ the first but also the best example of sexual instincts which are
2128
+ inhibited in their aims. All the feelings which a child has towards its
2129
+ parents and those who look after it pass by an easy transition into the
2130
+ wishes which give expression to the child's sexual tendencies. The child
2131
+ claims from these objects of its love all the signs of affection which
2132
+ it knows of; it wants to kiss them, touch them, and look at them; it is
2133
+ curious to see their genitals, and to be with them when they perform
2134
+ their intimate excremental functions; it promises to marry its mother or
2135
+ nurse--whatever it may understand by that; it proposes to itself to bear
2136
+ its father a child, etc. Direct observation, as well as the subsequent
2137
+ analytic investigation of the residue of childhood, leave no doubt as to
2138
+ the complete fusion of tender and jealous feelings and of sexual
2139
+ intentions, and show us in what a fundamental way the child makes the
2140
+ person it loves into the object of all its incompletely centred sexual
2141
+ tendencies.[70]
2142
+
2143
+ This first configuration of the child's love, which in typical cases is
2144
+ co-ordinated with the Oedipus complex, succumbs, as we know, from the
2145
+ beginning of the period of latency onwards to a wave of repression. Such
2146
+ of it as is left over shows itself as a purely tender emotional tie,
2147
+ which relates to the same people, but is no longer to be described as
2148
+ 'sexual'. Psycho-analysis, which illuminates the depths of mental life,
2149
+ has no difficulty in showing that the sexual ties of the earliest years
2150
+ of childhood also persist, though repressed and unconscious. It gives us
2151
+ courage to assert that wherever we come across a tender feeling it is
2152
+ the successor to a completely 'sensual' object tie with the person in
2153
+ question or rather with that person's prototype (or _imago_). It cannot
2154
+ indeed disclose to us without a special investigation whether in a given
2155
+ case this former complete sexual current still exists under repression
2156
+ or whether it has already been exhausted. To put it still more
2157
+ precisely: it is quite certain that it is still there as a form and
2158
+ possibility, and can always be charged with cathectic energy and put
2159
+ into activity again by means of regression; the only question is (and it
2160
+ cannot always be answered) what degree of cathexis and operative force
2161
+ it still has at the present moment. Equal care must be taken in this
2162
+ connection to avoid two sources of error--the Scylla of under-estimating
2163
+ the importance of the repressed unconscious, and the Charybdis of
2164
+ judging the normal entirely by the standards of the pathological.
2165
+
2166
+ A psychology which will not or cannot penetrate the depths of what is
2167
+ repressed regards tender emotional ties as being invariably the
2168
+ expression of tendencies which have no sexual aim, even though they are
2169
+ derived from tendencies which have such an aim.[71]
2170
+
2171
+ We are justified in saying that they have been diverted from these
2172
+ sexual aims, even though there is some difficulty in giving a
2173
+ representation of such a diversion of aim which will conform to the
2174
+ requirements of metapsychology. Moreover, those instincts which are
2175
+ inhibited in their aims always preserve some few of their original
2176
+ sexual aims; even an affectionate devotee, even a friend or an admirer,
2177
+ desires the physical proximity and the sight of the person who is now
2178
+ loved only in the 'Pauline' sense. If we choose, we may recognise in
2179
+ this diversion of aim a beginning of the _sublimation_ of the sexual
2180
+ instincts, or on the other hand we may fix the limits of sublimation at
2181
+ some more distant point. Those sexual instincts which are inhibited in
2182
+ their aims have a great functional advantage over those which are
2183
+ uninhibited. Since they are not capable of really complete
2184
+ satisfaction, they are especially adapted to create permanent ties;
2185
+ while those instincts which are directly sexual incur a loss of energy
2186
+ each time they are satisfied, and must wait to be renewed by a fresh
2187
+ accumulation of sexual libido, so that meanwhile the object may have
2188
+ been changed. The inhibited instincts are capable of any degree of
2189
+ admixture with the uninhibited; they can be transformed back into them,
2190
+ just as they arose out of them. It is well known how easily erotic
2191
+ wishes develop out of emotional relations of a friendly character, based
2192
+ upon appreciation and admiration, (compare Molière's 'Embrassez-moi pour
2193
+ l'amour du grec'), between a master and a pupil, between a performer and
2194
+ a delighted listener, and especially in the case of women. In fact the
2195
+ growth of emotional ties of this kind, with their purposeless
2196
+ beginnings, provides a much frequented pathway to sexual object-choice.
2197
+ Pfister, in his _Frömmigkeit des Grafen von Zinzendorf_,[72] has given
2198
+ an extremely clear and certainly not an isolated example of how easily
2199
+ even an intense religious tie can revert to ardent sexual excitement. On
2200
+ the other hand it is also very usual for directly sexual tendencies,
2201
+ short-lived in themselves, to be transformed into a lasting and purely
2202
+ tender tie; and the consolidation of a passionate love marriage rests
2203
+ to a large extent upon this process.
2204
+
2205
+ We shall naturally not be surprised to hear that the sexual tendencies
2206
+ that are inhibited in their aims arise out of the directly sexual ones
2207
+ when inner or outer obstacles make the sexual aims unattainable. The
2208
+ repression during the period of latency is an inner obstacle of this
2209
+ kind--or rather one which has become inner. We have assumed that the
2210
+ father of the primal horde owing to his sexual intolerance compelled all
2211
+ his sons to be abstinent, and thus forced them into ties that were
2212
+ inhibited in their aims, while he reserved for himself freedom of sexual
2213
+ enjoyment and in this way remained without ties. All the ties upon which
2214
+ a group depends are of the character of instincts that are inhibited in
2215
+ their aims. But here we have approached the discussion of a new subject,
2216
+ which deals with the relation between directly sexual instincts and the
2217
+ formation of groups.
2218
+
2219
+ D. The last two remarks will have prepared us for finding that directly
2220
+ sexual tendencies are unfavourable to the formation of groups. In the
2221
+ history of the development of the family there have also, it is true,
2222
+ been group relations of sexual love (group marriages); but the more
2223
+ important sexual love became for the ego, and the more it developed the
2224
+ characteristics of being in love, the more urgently it required to be
2225
+ limited to two people--_una cum uno_--as is prescribed by the nature of
2226
+ the genital aim. Polygamous inclinations had to be content to find
2227
+ satisfaction in a succession of changing objects.
2228
+
2229
+ Two people coming together for the purpose of sexual satisfaction, in so
2230
+ far as they seek for solitude, are making a demonstration against the
2231
+ herd instinct, the group feeling. The more they are in love, the more
2232
+ completely they suffice for each other. The rejection of the group's
2233
+ influence is manifested in the shape of a sense of shame. The extremely
2234
+ violent feelings of jealousy are summoned up in order to protect the
2235
+ sexual object-choice from being encroached upon by a group tie. It is
2236
+ only when the tender, that is, the personal, factor of a love relation
2237
+ gives place entirely to the sensual one, that it is possible for two
2238
+ people to have sexual intercourse in the presence of others or for there
2239
+ to be simultaneous sexual acts in a group as occurs at an orgy. But at
2240
+ that point a regression has taken place to an early stage in sexual
2241
+ relations, at which being in love as yet played no part, and all sexual
2242
+ objects were judged to be of equal value, somewhat in the sense of
2243
+ Bernard Shaw's malicious aphorism to the effect that being in love means
2244
+ greatly exaggerating the difference between one woman and another.
2245
+
2246
+ There are abundant indications that being in love only made its
2247
+ appearance late on in the sexual relations between men and women; so
2248
+ that the opposition between sexual love and group ties is also a late
2249
+ development. Now it may seem as though this assumption were incompatible
2250
+ with our myth of the primal family. For it was after all by their love
2251
+ for their mothers and sisters that the troop of brothers was, as we have
2252
+ supposed, driven to parricide; and it is difficult to imagine this love
2253
+ as being anything but unbroken and primitive--that is, as an intimate
2254
+ union of the tender and the sensual. But further consideration resolves
2255
+ this objection into a confirmation. One of the reactions to the
2256
+ parricide was after all the institution of totemistic exogamy; the
2257
+ prohibition of any sexual relation with those women of the family who
2258
+ had been tenderly loved since childhood. In this way a wedge was driven
2259
+ in between a man's tender and sensual feelings, one still firmly fixed
2260
+ in his erotic life to-day.[73] As a result of this exogamy the sensual
2261
+ needs of men had to be satisfied with strange and unloved women.
2262
+
2263
+ In the great artificial groups, the church and the army, there is no
2264
+ room for woman as a sexual object. The love relation between men and
2265
+ women remains outside these organisations. Even where groups are formed
2266
+ which are composed of both men and women the distinction between the
2267
+ sexes plays no part. There is scarcely any sense in asking whether the
2268
+ libido which keeps groups together is of a homosexual or of a
2269
+ heterosexual nature, for it is not differentiated according to the
2270
+ sexes, and particularly shows a complete disregard for the aims of the
2271
+ genital organisation of the libido.
2272
+
2273
+ Even in a person who has in other respects become absorbed in a group
2274
+ the directly sexual tendencies preserve a little of his individual
2275
+ activity. If they become too strong they disintegrate every group
2276
+ formation. The Catholic Church had the best of motives for recommending
2277
+ its followers to remain unmarried and for imposing celibacy upon its
2278
+ priests; but falling in love has often driven even priests to leave the
2279
+ church. In the same way love for women breaks through the group ties of
2280
+ race, of national separation, and of the social class system, and it
2281
+ thus produces important effects as a factor in civilization. It seems
2282
+ certain that homosexual love is far more compatible with group ties,
2283
+ even when it takes the shape of uninhibited sexual tendencies--a
2284
+ remarkable fact, the explanation of which might carry us far.
2285
+
2286
+ The psycho-analytic investigation of the psycho-neuroses has taught us
2287
+ that their symptoms are to be traced back to directly sexual tendencies
2288
+ which are repressed but still remain active. We can complete this
2289
+ formula by adding to it: or, to tendencies inhibited in their aims,
2290
+ whose inhibition has not been entirely successful or has made room for
2291
+ a return to the repressed sexual aim. It is in accordance with this that
2292
+ a neurosis should make its victim asocial and should remove him from the
2293
+ usual group formations. It may be said that a neurosis has the same
2294
+ disintegrating effect upon a group as being in love. On the other hand
2295
+ it appears that where a powerful impetus has been given to group
2296
+ formation, neuroses may diminish and at all events temporarily
2297
+ disappear. Justifiable attempts have also been made to turn this
2298
+ antagonism between neuroses and group formation to therapeutic account.
2299
+ Even those who do not regret the disappearance of religious illusions
2300
+ from the civilized world of to-day will admit that so long as they were
2301
+ in force they offered those who were bound by them the most powerful
2302
+ protection against the danger of neurosis. Nor is it hard to discern in
2303
+ all the ties with mystico-religious or philosophico-religious sects and
2304
+ communities the manifestation of distorted cures of all kinds of
2305
+ neuroses. All of this is bound up with the contrast between directly
2306
+ sexual tendencies and those which are inhibited in their aims.
2307
+
2308
+ If he is left to himself, a neurotic is obliged to replace by his own
2309
+ symptom formations the great group formations from which he is excluded.
2310
+ He creates his own world of imagination for himself, his religion, his
2311
+ own system of delusions, and thus recapitulates the institutions of
2312
+ humanity in a distorted way which is clear evidence of the dominating
2313
+ part played by the directly sexual tendencies.[74]
2314
+
2315
+ E. In conclusion, we will add a comparative estimate, from the
2316
+ standpoint of the libido theory, of the states with which we have been
2317
+ concerned, of being in love, of hypnosis, of group formation, and of the
2318
+ neurosis.
2319
+
2320
+ _Being in love_ is based upon the simultaneous presence of directly
2321
+ sexual tendencies and of sexual tendencies that are inhibited in their
2322
+ aims, so that the object draws a part of the narcissistic ego-libido to
2323
+ itself. It is a condition in which there is only room for the ego and
2324
+ the object.
2325
+
2326
+ _Hypnosis_ resembles being in love in being limited to these two
2327
+ persons, but it is based entirely upon sexual tendencies that are
2328
+ inhibited in their aims and substitutes the object for the ego ideal.
2329
+
2330
+ _The group_ multiplies this process; it agrees with hypnosis in the
2331
+ nature of the instincts which hold it together, and in the replacement
2332
+ of the ego ideal by the object; but to this it adds identification with
2333
+ other individuals, which was perhaps originally made possible by their
2334
+ having the same relation to the object.
2335
+
2336
+ Both states, hypnosis and group formation, are an inherited deposit from
2337
+ the phylogenesis of the human libido--hypnosis in the form of a
2338
+ predisposition, and the group, besides this, as a direct survival. The
2339
+ replacement of the directly sexual tendencies by those that are
2340
+ inhibited in their aims promotes in both states a separation between the
2341
+ ego and the ego ideal, a separation with which a beginning has already
2342
+ been made in the state of being in love.
2343
+
2344
+ _The neurosis_ stands outside this series. It also is based upon a
2345
+ peculiarity in the development of the human libido--the twice repeated
2346
+ start made by the directly sexual function, with an intervening period
2347
+ of latency.[75] To this extent it resembles hypnosis and group formation
2348
+ in having the character of a regression, which is absent from being in
2349
+ love. It makes its appearance wherever the advance from directly sexual
2350
+ instincts to those that are inhibited in their aims has not been
2351
+ completely successful; and it represents a _conflict_ between those
2352
+ instincts which have been received into the ego after having passed
2353
+ through this development and those portions of the same instincts which,
2354
+ like other instinctive desires that have been completely repressed,
2355
+ strive, from the repressed unconscious, to attain direct satisfaction.
2356
+ The neurosis is extraordinarily rich in content, for it embraces all
2357
+ possible relations between the ego and the object--both those in which
2358
+ the object is retained and others in which it is abandoned or erected
2359
+ inside the ego itself--and also the conflicting relations between the
2360
+ ego and its ego ideal.