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-The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Communist Manifesto
-by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
-almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
-re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
-with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.net
-
-
-Title: The Communist Manifesto
-
-Author: Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels
-
-Release Date: January 25, 2005 [EBook #61]
-
-Language: English
-
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE COMMUNIST MANIFESTO ***
-
-
-
-
-Transcribed by Allen Lutins with assistance from Jim Tarzia.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
-
-[From the English edition of 1888, edited by Friedrich Engels]
-
-
-A spectre is haunting Europe--the spectre of Communism.
-All the Powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to
-exorcise this spectre: Pope and Czar, Metternich and Guizot,
-French Radicals and German police-spies.
-
-Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as
-Communistic by its opponents in power?  Where is the Opposition
-that has not hurled back the branding reproach of Communism,
-against the more advanced opposition parties, as well as against
-its reactionary adversaries?
-
-Two things result from this fact.
-
-I.  Communism is already acknowledged by all European Powers
-to be itself a Power.
-
-II.  It is high time that Communists should openly, in the
-face of the whole world, publish their views, their aims, their
-tendencies, and meet this nursery tale of the Spectre of
-Communism with a Manifesto of the party itself.
-
-To this end, Communists of various nationalities have
-assembled in London, and sketched the following Manifesto, to be
-published in the English, French, German, Italian, Flemish and
-Danish languages.
-
-
-
-I.  BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARIANS
-
-The history of all hitherto existing societies is the history
-of class struggles.
-
-Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf,
-guild-master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed,
-stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an
-uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time
-ended, either in a revolutionary re-constitution of society at
-large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes.
-
-In the earlier epochs of history, we find almost everywhere a
-complicated arrangement of society into various orders, a
-manifold gradation of social rank.  In ancient Rome we have
-patricians, knights, plebeians, slaves; in the Middle Ages,
-feudal lords, vassals, guild-masters, journeymen, apprentices,
-serfs; in almost all of these classes, again, subordinate
-gradations.
-
-The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins
-of feudal society has not done away with class antagonisms.  It
-has but established new classes, new conditions of oppression,
-new forms of struggle in place of the old ones.  Our epoch, the
-epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this distinctive
-feature: it has simplified the class antagonisms. Society as a
-whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps,
-into two great classes, directly facing each other: Bourgeoisie
-and Proletariat.
-
-From the serfs of the Middle Ages sprang the chartered burghers
-of the earliest towns.  From these burgesses the first elements
-of the bourgeoisie were developed.
-
-The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up
-fresh ground for the rising bourgeoisie. The East-Indian and
-Chinese markets, the colonisation of America, trade with
-the colonies, the increase in the means of exchange and in
-commodities generally, gave to commerce, to navigation, to
-industry, an impulse never before known, and thereby, to the
-revolutionary element in the tottering feudal society, a rapid
-development.
-
-The feudal system of industry, under which industrial production
-was monopolised by closed guilds, now no longer sufficed for the
-growing wants of the new markets.  The manufacturing system took
-its place.  The guild-masters were pushed on one side by the
-manufacturing middle class; division of labour between the
-different corporate guilds vanished in the face of division of
-labour in each single workshop.
-
-Meantime the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising.
-Even manufacture no longer sufficed.  Thereupon, steam and
-machinery revolutionised industrial production.  The place of
-manufacture was taken by the giant, Modern Industry, the place of
-the industrial middle class, by industrial millionaires, the
-leaders of whole industrial armies, the modern bourgeois.
-
-Modern industry has established the world-market, for which the
-discovery of America paved the way.  This market has given an
-immense development to commerce, to navigation, to communication
-by land.  This development has, in its time, reacted on the
-extension of industry; and in proportion as industry, commerce,
-navigation, railways extended, in the same proportion the
-bourgeoisie developed, increased its capital, and pushed into the
-background  every class handed down from the Middle Ages.
-
-We see, therefore, how the modern bourgeoisie is itself the
-product of a long course of development, of a series of
-revolutions in the modes of production and of exchange.
-
-Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie was accompanied
-by a corresponding political advance of that class.  An
-oppressed class under the sway of the feudal nobility, an
-armed and self-governing association in the mediaeval commune;
-here independent urban republic (as in Italy and Germany),
-there taxable "third estate" of the monarchy (as in France),
-afterwards, in the  period of manufacture proper, serving either
-the semi-feudal or the absolute monarchy as a counterpoise
-against the nobility, and, in fact, corner-stone of the great
-monarchies in general, the bourgeoisie has at last, since the
-establishment of Modern Industry and of the world-market,
-conquered for itself, in the modern representative State,
-exclusive political sway.  The executive of the modern State is
-but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole
-bourgeoisie.
-
-The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary
-part.
-
-The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an
-end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations.  It has
-pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to
-his "natural superiors," and has left remaining no other nexus
-between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous "cash
-payment."  It has drowned the most heavenly ecstasies of
-religious fervour, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of philistine
-sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical calculation.  It
-has resolved personal worth into exchange value, and in place of
-the numberless and indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up that
-single, unconscionable freedom--Free Trade.  In one word, for
-exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, naked,
-shameless, direct, brutal exploitation.
-
-The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation
-hitherto honoured and looked up to with reverent awe.  It has
-converted the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the
-man of science, into its paid wage labourers.
-
-The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental
-veil, and has reduced the family relation to a mere money
-relation.
-
-The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to pass that the
-brutal display of vigour in the Middle Ages, which Reactionists
-so much admire, found its fitting complement in the most slothful
-indolence.  It has been the first to show what man's activity can
-bring about.  It has accomplished wonders far surpassing Egyptian
-pyramids, Roman aqueducts, and Gothic cathedrals; it has
-conducted expeditions that put in the shade all former Exoduses
-of nations and crusades.
-
-The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionising
-the instruments of production, and thereby the relations of
-production, and with them the whole relations of society.
-Conservation of the old modes of production in unaltered form,
-was, on the contrary, the first condition of existence for all
-earlier industrial classes. Constant revolutionising of
-production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions,
-everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois
-epoch from all earlier ones. All fixed, fast-frozen relations,
-with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices and
-opinions, are swept away, all new-formed ones become antiquated
-before they can ossify. All that is solid melts into air, all
-that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face
-with sober senses, his real conditions of life, and his
-relations with his kind.
-
-The need of a constantly expanding market for its products
-chases the bourgeoisie over the whole surface of the globe. It
-must nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connexions
-everywhere.
-
-The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world-market
-given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in
-every country.  To the great chagrin of Reactionists, it has
-drawn from under the feet of industry the national ground on
-which it stood.  All old-established national industries have
-been destroyed or are daily being destroyed.  They are dislodged
-by new industries, whose introduction becomes a life and death
-question for all civilised nations, by industries that no longer
-work up indigenous raw material, but raw material drawn from the
-remotest zones; industries whose products are consumed, not only
-at home, but in every quarter of the globe.  In place of the old
-wants, satisfied by the productions of the country, we find new
-wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant
-lands and climes.  In place of the old local and national
-seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every
-direction, universal inter-dependence of nations.  And as in
-material, so also in intellectual production.  The intellectual
-creations of individual nations become common property.  National
-one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness become more and more
-impossible, and from the numerous national and local literatures,
-there arises a world literature.
-
-The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of
-production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication,
-draws all, even the most barbarian, nations into civilisation.
-The cheap prices of its commodities are the heavy artillery with
-which it batters down all Chinese walls, with which it forces the
-barbarians' intensely obstinate hatred of foreigners to
-capitulate.  It compels all nations, on pain of extinction, to
-adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it compels them to
-introduce what it calls civilisation into their midst, i.e., to
-become bourgeois themselves.  In one word, it creates a world
-after its own image.
-
-The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of the
-towns.  It has created enormous cities, has greatly increased the
-urban population as compared with the rural, and has thus rescued
-a considerable part of the population from the idiocy of rural
-life.  Just as it has made the country dependent on the towns, so
-it has made barbarian and semi-barbarian countries dependent on
-the civilised ones, nations of peasants on nations of bourgeois,
-the East on the West.
-
-The bourgeoisie keeps more and more doing away with the
-scattered state of the population, of the means of production,
-and of property.  It has agglomerated production, and has
-concentrated property in a few hands.  The necessary consequence
-of this was political centralisation.  Independent, or but
-loosely connected provinces, with separate interests, laws,
-governments and systems of taxation, became lumped together into
-one nation, with one government, one code of laws, one national
-class-interest, one frontier and one customs-tariff.  The
-bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce one hundred years, has
-created more massive and more colossal productive forces than
-have all preceding generations together.  Subjection of Nature's
-forces to man, machinery, application of chemistry to industry
-and agriculture, steam-navigation, railways, electric telegraphs,
-clearing of whole continents for cultivation, canalisation of
-rivers, whole populations conjured out of the ground--what
-earlier century had even a presentiment that such productive
-forces slumbered in the lap of social labour?
-
-We see then: the means of production and of exchange, on whose
-foundation the bourgeoisie built itself up, were generated in
-feudal society.  At a certain stage in the development of these
-means of production and of exchange, the conditions under which
-feudal society produced and exchanged, the feudal organisation of
-agriculture and manufacturing industry, in one word, the feudal
-relations of property became no longer compatible with the
-already developed productive forces; they became so many fetters.
-They had to be burst asunder; they were burst asunder.
-
-Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a
-social and political constitution adapted to it, and by the
-economical and political sway of the bourgeois class.
-
-A similar movement is going on before our own eyes.  Modern
-bourgeois society with its relations of production, of exchange
-and of property, a society that has conjured up such gigantic
-means of production and of exchange, is like the sorcerer, who is
-no longer able to control the powers of the nether world whom he
-has called up by his spells.  For many a decade past the history
-of industry and commerce is but the history of the revolt of
-modern productive forces against modern conditions of production,
-against the property relations that are the conditions for the
-existence of the bourgeoisie and of its rule.  It is enough to
-mention the commercial crises that by their periodical return put
-on its trial, each time more threateningly, the existence of the
-entire bourgeois society.  In these crises a great part not only
-of the existing products, but also of the previously created
-productive forces, are periodically destroyed.  In these crises
-there breaks out an epidemic that, in all earlier epochs, would
-have seemed an absurdity--the epidemic of over-production.
-Society suddenly finds itself put back into a state of momentary
-barbarism; it appears as if a famine, a universal war of
-devastation had cut off the supply of every means of subsistence;
-industry and commerce seem to be destroyed; and why?  Because
-there is too much civilisation, too much means of subsistence,
-too much industry, too much commerce.  The productive forces at
-the disposal of society no longer tend to further the development
-of the conditions of bourgeois property; on the contrary, they
-have become too powerful for these conditions, by which they are
-fettered, and so soon as they overcome these fetters, they bring
-disorder into the whole of bourgeois society, endanger the
-existence of bourgeois property.  The conditions of bourgeois
-society are too narrow to comprise the wealth created by them.
-And how does the bourgeoisie get over these crises?  On the one
-hand inforced destruction of a mass of productive forces; on the
-other, by the conquest of new markets, and by the more thorough
-exploitation of the old ones.  That is to say, by paving the
-way for more extensive and more destructive crises, and by
-diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented.
-
-The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the
-ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself.
-
-But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring
-death to itself; it has also called into existence the men who
-are to wield those weapons--the modern working class--the
-proletarians.
-
-In proportion as the bourgeoisie, i.e., capital, is developed,
-in the same proportion is the proletariat, the modern working
-class, developed--a class of labourers, who live only so long
-as they find work, and who find work only so long as their labour
-increases capital.  These labourers, who must sell themselves
-piece-meal, are a commodity, like every other article of
-commerce, and are consequently exposed to all the vicissitudes of
-competition, to all the fluctuations of the market.
-
-Owing to the extensive use of machinery and to division of
-labour, the work of the proletarians has lost all individual
-character, and consequently, all charm for the workman.  He
-becomes an appendage of the machine, and it is only the most
-simple, most monotonous, and most easily acquired knack, that is
-required of him.  Hence, the cost of production of a workman is
-restricted, almost entirely, to the means of subsistence that he
-requires for his maintenance, and for the propagation of his
-race.  But the price of a commodity, and therefore also of
-labour, is equal to its cost of production.  In proportion
-therefore, as the repulsiveness of the work increases, the wage
-decreases.  Nay more, in proportion as the use of machinery and
-division of labour increases, in the same proportion the burden
-of toil also increases, whether by prolongation of the working
-hours, by increase of the work exacted in a given time or by
-increased speed of the machinery, etc.
-
-Modern industry has converted the little workshop of the
-patriarchal master into the great factory of the industrial
-capitalist.  Masses of labourers, crowded into the factory, are
-organised like soldiers.  As privates of the industrial army they
-are placed under the command of a perfect hierarchy of officers
-and sergeants.  Not only are they slaves of the bourgeois class,
-and of the bourgeois State; they are daily and hourly enslaved by
-the machine, by the over-looker, and, above all, by the
-individual bourgeois manufacturer himself.  The more openly this
-despotism proclaims gain to be its end and aim, the more petty,
-the more hateful and the more embittering it is.
-
-The less the skill and exertion of strength implied in manual
-labour, in other words, the more modern industry becomes
-developed, the more is the labour of men superseded by that of
-women. Differences of age and sex have no longer any distinctive
-social validity for the working class. All are instruments of
-labour, more or less expensive to use, according to their age
-and sex.
-
-No sooner is the exploitation of the labourer by the manufacturer,
-so far at an end, that he receives his wages in cash, than he is
-set upon by the other portions of the bourgeoisie, the landlord,
-the shopkeeper, the pawnbroker, etc.
-
-The lower strata of the middle class--the small tradespeople,
-shopkeepers, retired tradesmen generally, the handicraftsmen and
-peasants--all these sink gradually into the proletariat, partly
-because their diminutive capital does not suffice for the scale
-on which Modern Industry is carried on, and is swamped in the
-competition with the large capitalists, partly because their
-specialized skill is rendered worthless by the new methods of
-production.  Thus the proletariat is recruited from all classes
-of the population.
-
-The proletariat goes through various stages of development.
-With its birth begins its struggle with the bourgeoisie.  At
-first the contest is carried on by individual labourers, then by
-the workpeople of a factory, then by the operatives of one trade,
-in one locality, against the individual bourgeois who directly
-exploits them.  They direct their attacks not against the
-bourgeois conditions of production, but against the instruments
-of production themselves; they destroy imported wares that
-compete with their labour, they smash to pieces machinery, they
-set factories ablaze, they seek to restore by force the vanished
-status of the workman of the Middle Ages.
-
-At this stage the labourers still form an incoherent mass
-scattered over the whole country, and broken up by their mutual
-competition.  If anywhere they unite to form more compact bodies,
-this is not yet the consequence of their own active union, but of
-the union of the bourgeoisie, which class, in order to attain its
-own political ends, is compelled to set the whole proletariat in
-motion, and is moreover yet, for a time, able to do so.  At this
-stage, therefore, the proletarians do not fight their enemies,
-but the enemies of their enemies, the remnants of absolute
-monarchy, the landowners, the non-industrial bourgeois, the petty
-bourgeoisie.  Thus the whole historical movement is concentrated
-in the hands of the bourgeoisie; every victory so obtained is a
-victory for the bourgeoisie.
-
-But with the development of industry the proletariat not only
-increases in number; it becomes concentrated in greater masses,
-its strength grows, and it feels that strength more.  The various
-interests and conditions of life within the ranks of the
-proletariat are more and more equalised, in proportion as
-machinery obliterates all distinctions of labour, and nearly
-everywhere reduces wages to the same low level.  The growing
-competition among the bourgeois, and the resulting commercial
-crises, make the wages of the workers ever more fluctuating.  The
-unceasing improvement of machinery, ever more rapidly developing,
-makes their livelihood more and more precarious; the collisions
-between individual workmen and individual bourgeois take more and
-more the character of collisions between two classes.  Thereupon
-the workers begin to form combinations (Trades Unions) against
-the bourgeois; they club together in order to keep up the rate of
-wages; they found permanent associations in order to make
-provision beforehand for these occasional revolts.  Here and
-there the contest breaks out into riots.
-
-Now and then the workers are victorious, but only for a time.
-The real fruit of their battles lies, not in the immediate
-result, but in the ever-expanding union of the workers.  This
-union is helped on by the improved means of communication that
-are created by modern industry and that place the workers of
-different localities in contact with one another.  It was just
-this contact that was needed to centralise the numerous local
-struggles, all of the same character, into one national struggle
-between classes.  But every class struggle is a political
-struggle.  And that union, to attain which the burghers of the
-Middle Ages, with their miserable highways, required centuries,
-the modern proletarians, thanks to railways, achieve in a few
-years.
-
-This organisation of the proletarians into a class, and
-consequently into a political party, is continually being upset
-again by the competition between the workers themselves.  But it
-ever rises up again, stronger, firmer, mightier.  It compels
-legislative recognition of particular interests of the workers,
-by taking advantage of the divisions among the bourgeoisie
-itself.  Thus the ten-hours' bill in England was carried.
-
-Altogether collisions between the classes of the old society
-further, in many ways, the course of development of the
-proletariat. The bourgeoisie finds itself involved in a constant
-battle. At first with the aristocracy; later on, with those
-portions of the bourgeoisie itself, whose interests have become
-antagonistic to the progress of industry; at all times, with the
-bourgeoisie of foreign countries. In all these battles it sees
-itself compelled to appeal to the proletariat, to ask for its
-help, and thus, to drag it into the political arena. The
-bourgeoisie itself, therefore, supplies the proletariat with its
-own instruments of political and general education, in other
-words, it furnishes the proletariat with weapons for fighting
-the bourgeoisie.
-
-Further, as we have already seen, entire sections of the ruling
-classes are, by the advance of industry, precipitated into the
-proletariat, or are at least threatened in their conditions of
-existence.  These also supply the proletariat with fresh elements
-of enlightenment and progress.
-
-Finally, in times when the class struggle nears the decisive
-hour, the process of dissolution going on within the ruling
-class, in fact within the whole range of society, assumes such a
-violent, glaring character, that a small section of the ruling
-class cuts itself adrift, and joins the revolutionary class, the
-class that holds the future in its hands.  Just as, therefore, at
-an earlier period, a section of the nobility went over to the
-bourgeoisie, so now a portion of the bourgeoisie goes over to the
-proletariat, and in particular, a portion of the bourgeois
-ideologists, who have raised themselves to the level of
-comprehending theoretically the historical movement as a whole.
-
-Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie
-today, the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class.
-The other classes decay and finally disappear in the face of
-Modern Industry; the proletariat is its special and essential
-product.  The lower middle class, the small manufacturer, the
-shopkeeper, the artisan, the peasant, all these fight against the
-bourgeoisie, to save from extinction their existence as fractions
-of the middle class.  They are therefore not revolutionary, but
-conservative.  Nay more, they are reactionary, for they try
-to roll back the wheel of history.  If by chance they are
-revolutionary, they are so only in view of their impending
-transfer into the proletariat, they thus defend not their
-present, but their future interests, they desert their own
-standpoint to place themselves at that of the proletariat.
-
-The "dangerous class," the social scum, that passively rotting
-mass thrown off by the lowest layers of old society, may,
-here and there, be swept into the movement by a proletarian
-revolution; its conditions of life, however, prepare it far more
-for the part of a bribed tool of reactionary intrigue.
-
-In the conditions of the proletariat, those of old society at
-large are already virtually swamped.  The proletarian is without
-property; his relation to his wife and children has no longer
-anything in common with the bourgeois family-relations; modern
-industrial labour, modern subjection to capital, the same in
-England as in France, in America as in Germany, has stripped him
-of every trace of national character.  Law, morality, religion,
-are to him so many bourgeois prejudices, behind which lurk in
-ambush just as many bourgeois interests.
-
-All the preceding classes that got the upper hand, sought to
-fortify their already acquired status by subjecting society at
-large to their conditions of appropriation.  The proletarians
-cannot become masters of the productive forces of society, except
-by abolishing their own previous mode of appropriation, and
-thereby also every other previous mode of appropriation.  They
-have nothing of their own to secure and to fortify; their mission
-is to destroy all previous securities for, and insurances of,
-individual property.
-
-All previous historical movements were movements of minorities,
-or in the interests of minorities.  The proletarian movement is
-the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority,
-in the interests of the immense majority.  The proletariat, the
-lowest stratum of our present society, cannot stir, cannot raise
-itself up, without the whole superincumbent strata of official
-society being sprung into the air.
-
-Though not in substance, yet in form, the struggle of the
-proletariat with the bourgeoisie is at first a national struggle.
-The proletariat of each country must, of course, first of all
-settle matters with its own bourgeoisie.
-
-In depicting the most general phases of the development of the
-proletariat, we traced the more or less veiled civil war, raging
-within existing society, up to the point where that war breaks
-out into open revolution, and where the violent overthrow of the
-bourgeoisie lays the foundation for the sway of the proletariat.
-
-Hitherto, every form of society has been based, as we have
-already seen, on the antagonism of oppressing and oppressed
-classes.  But in order to oppress a class, certain conditions
-must be assured to it under which it can, at least, continue its
-slavish existence.  The serf, in the period of serfdom, raised
-himself to membership in the commune, just as the petty
-bourgeois, under the yoke of feudal absolutism, managed to
-develop into a bourgeois.  The modern laborer, on the contrary,
-instead of rising with the progress of industry, sinks deeper and
-deeper below the conditions of existence of his own class.  He
-becomes a pauper, and pauperism develops more rapidly than
-population and wealth.  And here it becomes evident, that the
-bourgeoisie is unfit any longer to be the ruling class in
-society, and to impose its conditions of existence upon society
-as an over-riding law.  It is unfit to rule because it is
-incompetent to assure an existence to its slave within his
-slavery, because it cannot help letting him sink into such a
-state, that it has to feed him, instead of being fed by him.
-Society can no longer live under this bourgeoisie, in other
-words, its existence is no longer compatible with society.
-
-The essential condition for the existence, and for the sway of
-the bourgeois class, is the formation and augmentation of
-capital; the condition for capital is wage-labour.  Wage-labour
-rests exclusively on competition between the laborers.  The
-advance of industry, whose involuntary promoter is the bourgeoisie,
-replaces the isolation of the labourers, due to competition,
-by their revolutionary combination, due to association.  The
-development of Modern Industry, therefore, cuts from under its
-feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces and
-appropriates products.  What the bourgeoisie, therefore, produces,
-above all, is its own grave-diggers.  Its fall and the victory of
-the proletariat are equally inevitable.
-
-
-
-II.  PROLETARIANS AND COMMUNISTS
-
-In what relation do the Communists stand to the proletarians as a
-whole?
-
-The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to other
-working-class parties.
-
-They have no interests separate and apart from those of the
-proletariat as a whole.
-
-They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own,
-by which to shape and mould the proletarian movement.
-
-The Communists are distinguished from the other working-class parties
-by this only: (1) In the national struggles of the proletarians
-of the different countries, they point out and bring to the front
-the common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of
-all nationality.  (2) In the various stages of development which the
-struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass
-through, they always and everywhere represent the interests of the
-movement as a whole.
-
-The Communists, therefore, are on the one hand, practically,
-the most advanced and resolute section of the working-class
-parties of every country, that section which pushes forward
-all others; on the other hand, theoretically, they have over
-the great mass of the proletariat the advantage of clearly
-understanding the line of march, the conditions, and the ultimate
-general results of the proletarian movement.
-
-The immediate aim of the Communist is the same as that of all
-the other proletarian parties: formation of the proletariat into
-a class, overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy, conquest of
-political power by the proletariat.
-
-The theoretical conclusions of the Communists are in no way
-based on ideas or principles that have been invented, or
-discovered, by this or that would-be universal reformer.  They
-merely express, in general terms, actual relations springing from
-an existing class struggle, from a historical movement going on
-under our very eyes.  The abolition of existing property
-relations is not at all a distinctive feature of Communism.
-
-All property relations in the past have continually been subject
-to historical change consequent upon the change in historical
-conditions.
-
-The French Revolution, for example, abolished feudal property in
-favour of bourgeois property.
-
-The distinguishing feature of Communism is not the abolition of
-property generally, but the abolition of bourgeois property. But
-modern bourgeois private property is the final and most complete
-expression of the system of producing and appropriating products,
-that is based on class antagonisms, on the exploitation of the
-many by the few.
-
-In this sense, the theory of the Communists may be summed up in
-the single sentence: Abolition of private property.
-
-We Communists have been reproached with the desire of abolishing
-the right of personally acquiring property as the fruit of a
-man's own labour, which property is alleged to be the groundwork
-of all personal freedom, activity and independence.
-
-Hard-won, self-acquired, self-earned property!  Do you mean the
-property of the petty artisan and of the small peasant, a form of
-property that preceded the bourgeois form?  There is no need to
-abolish that; the development of industry has to a great extent
-already destroyed it, and is still destroying it daily.
-
-Or do you mean modern bourgeois private property?
-
-But does wage-labour create any property for the labourer?  Not
-a bit.  It creates capital, i.e., that kind of property which
-exploits wage-labour, and which cannot increase except upon
-condition of begetting a new supply of wage-labour for fresh
-exploitation.  Property, in its present form, is based on the
-antagonism of capital and wage-labour.  Let us examine both sides
-of this antagonism.
-
-To be a capitalist, is to have not only a purely personal, but a
-social status in production.  Capital is a collective product,
-and only by the united action of many members, nay, in the last
-resort, only by the united action of all members of society,
-can it be set in motion.
-
-Capital is, therefore, not a personal, it is a social power.
-
-When, therefore, capital is converted into common property, into
-the property of all members of society, personal property is not
-thereby transformed into social property. It is only the social
-character of the property that is changed. It loses its
-class-character.
-
-Let us now take wage-labour.
-
-The average price of wage-labour is the minimum wage, i.e.,
-that quantum of the means of subsistence, which is absolutely
-requisite in bare existence as a labourer.  What, therefore, the
-wage-labourer appropriates by means of his labour, merely
-suffices to prolong and reproduce a bare existence.  We by no
-means intend to abolish this personal appropriation of the
-products of labour, an appropriation that is made for the
-maintenance and reproduction of human life, and that leaves no
-surplus wherewith to command the labour of others.  All that we
-want to do away with, is the miserable character of this
-appropriation, under which the labourer lives merely to increase
-capital, and is allowed to live only in so far as the interest of
-the ruling class requires it.
-
-In bourgeois society, living labour is but a means to increase
-accumulated labour.  In Communist society, accumulated labour
-is but a means to widen, to enrich, to promote the existence
-of the labourer.
-
-In bourgeois society, therefore, the past dominates the present;
-in Communist society, the present dominates the past.  In
-bourgeois society capital is independent and has individuality,
-while the living person is dependent and has no individuality.
-
-And the abolition of this state of things is called by the
-bourgeois, abolition of individuality and freedom! And rightly
-so. The abolition of bourgeois individuality, bourgeois
-independence, and bourgeois freedom is undoubtedly aimed at.
-
-By freedom is meant, under the present bourgeois conditions of
-production, free trade, free selling and buying.
-
-But if selling and buying disappears, free selling and buying
-disappears also.  This talk about free selling and buying, and
-all the other "brave words" of our bourgeoisie about freedom in
-general, have a meaning, if any, only in contrast with restricted
-selling and buying, with the fettered traders of the Middle Ages,
-but have no meaning when opposed to the Communistic abolition of
-buying and selling, of the bourgeois conditions of production,
-and of the bourgeoisie itself.
-
-You are horrified at our intending to do away with private
-property.  But in your existing society, private property is
-already done away with for nine-tenths of the population; its
-existence for the few is solely due to its non-existence in the
-hands of those nine-tenths.  You reproach us, therefore, with
-intending to do away with a form of property, the necessary
-condition for whose existence is the non-existence of any
-property for the immense majority of society.
-
-In one word, you reproach us with intending to do away with your
-property.  Precisely so; that is just what we intend.
-
-From the moment when labour can no longer be converted into
-capital, money, or rent, into a social power capable of being
-monopolised, i.e., from the moment when individual property can
-no longer be transformed into bourgeois property, into capital,
-from that moment, you say individuality vanishes.
-
-You must, therefore, confess that by "individual" you mean no
-other person than the bourgeois, than the middle-class owner of
-property.  This person must, indeed, be swept out of the way, and
-made impossible.
-
-Communism deprives no man of the power to appropriate the
-products of society; all that it does is to deprive him of the
-power to subjugate the labour of others by means of such
-appropriation.
-
-It has been objected that upon the abolition of private property
-all work will cease, and universal laziness will overtake us.
-
-According to this, bourgeois society ought long ago to have gone
-to the dogs through sheer idleness; for those of its members who
-work, acquire nothing, and those who acquire anything, do not
-work. The whole of this objection is but another expression of
-the tautology: that there can no longer be any wage-labour when
-there is no longer any capital.
-
-All objections urged against the Communistic mode of producing
-and appropriating material products, have, in the same way,
-been urged against the Communistic modes of producing and
-appropriating intellectual products.  Just as, to the bourgeois,
-the disappearance of class property is the disappearance of
-production itself, so the disappearance of class culture is to
-him identical with the disappearance of all culture.
-
-That culture, the loss of which he laments, is, for the enormous
-majority, a mere training to act as a machine.
-
-But don't wrangle with us so long as you apply, to our intended
-abolition of bourgeois property, the standard of your bourgeois
-notions of freedom, culture, law, etc.  Your very ideas are but
-the outgrowth of the conditions of your bourgeois production and
-bourgeois property, just as your jurisprudence is but the will of
-your class made into a law for all, a will, whose essential
-character and direction are determined by the economical
-conditions of existence of your class.
-
-The selfish misconception that induces you to transform into
-eternal laws of nature and of reason, the social forms
-springing from your present mode of production and form of
-property--historical relations that rise and disappear in the
-progress of production--this misconception you share with every
-ruling class that has preceded you.  What you see clearly in the
-case of ancient property, what you admit in the case of feudal
-property, you are of course forbidden to admit in the case of
-your own bourgeois form of property.
-
-Abolition of the family!  Even the most radical flare up at this
-infamous proposal of the Communists.
-
-On what foundation is the present family, the bourgeois family,
-based?  On capital, on private gain.  In its completely developed
-form this family exists only among the bourgeoisie.  But this
-state of things finds its complement in the practical absence of
-the family among the proletarians, and in public prostitution.
-
-The bourgeois family will vanish as a matter of course when its
-complement vanishes, and both will vanish with the vanishing of
-capital.
-
-Do you charge us with wanting to stop the exploitation of
-children by their parents?  To this crime we plead guilty.
-
-But, you will say, we destroy the most hallowed of relations,
-when we replace home education by social.
-
-And your education!  Is not that also social, and determined by the
-social conditions under which you educate, by the intervention,
-direct or indirect, of society, by means of schools, etc.?  The
-Communists have not invented the intervention of society in
-education; they do but seek to alter the character of that
-intervention, and to rescue education from the influence of the
-ruling class.
-
-The bourgeois clap-trap about the family and education, about
-the hallowed co-relation of parent and child, becomes all the
-more disgusting, the more, by the action of Modern Industry, all
-family ties among the proletarians are torn asunder, and their
-children transformed into simple articles of commerce and
-instruments of labour.
-
-But you Communists would introduce community of women, screams
-the whole bourgeoisie in chorus.
-
-The bourgeois sees in his wife a mere instrument of production.
-He hears that the instruments of production are to be exploited
-in common, and, naturally, can come to no other conclusion than
-that the lot of being common to all will likewise fall to the
-women.
-
-He has not even a suspicion that the real point is to do away
-with the status of women as mere instruments of production.
-
-For the rest, nothing is more ridiculous than the
-virtuous indignation of our bourgeois at the community of women
-which, they pretend, is to be openly and officially established
-by the Communists.  The Communists have no need to introduce
-community of women; it has existed almost from time immemorial.
-
-Our bourgeois, not content with having the wives and daughters
-of their proletarians at their disposal, not to speak of common
-prostitutes, take the greatest pleasure in seducing each other's
-wives.
-
-Bourgeois marriage is in reality a system of wives in common
-and thus, at the most, what the Communists might possibly
-be reproached with, is that they desire to introduce, in
-substitution for a hypocritically concealed, an openly legalised
-community of women. For the rest, it is self-evident that the
-abolition of the present system of production must bring with it
-the abolition of the community of women springing from that
-system, i.e., of prostitution both public and private.
-
-The Communists are further reproached with desiring to abolish
-countries and nationality.
-
-The working men have no country.  We cannot take from them what
-they have not got.  Since the proletariat must first of all
-acquire political supremacy, must rise to be the leading class of
-the nation, must constitute itself the nation, it is, so far,
-itself national, though not in the bourgeois sense of the word.
-
-National differences and antagonisms between peoples are daily
-more and more vanishing, owing to the development of the
-bourgeoisie, to freedom of commerce, to the world-market, to
-uniformity in the mode of production and in the conditions of
-life corresponding thereto.
-
-The supremacy of the proletariat will cause them to vanish still
-faster. United action, of the leading civilised countries at
-least, is one of the first conditions for the emancipation of
-the proletariat.
-
-In proportion as the exploitation of one individual by another
-is put an end to, the exploitation of one nation by another will
-also be put an end to.  In proportion as the antagonism between
-classes within the nation vanishes, the hostility of one nation
-to another will come to an end.
-
-The charges against Communism made from a religious, a
-philosophical, and, generally, from an ideological standpoint,
-are not deserving of serious examination.
-
-Does it require deep intuition to comprehend that man's ideas,
-views and conceptions, in one word, man's consciousness, changes
-with every change in the conditions of his material existence, in
-his social relations and in his social life?
-
-What else does the history of ideas prove, than that
-intellectual production changes its character in proportion as
-material production is changed? The ruling ideas of each age
-have ever been the ideas of its ruling class.
-
-When people speak of ideas that revolutionise society, they do
-but express the fact, that within the old society, the elements
-of a new one have been created, and that the dissolution of the
-old ideas keeps even pace with the dissolution of the old
-conditions of existence.
-
-When the ancient world was in its last throes, the ancient
-religions were overcome by Christianity.  When Christian ideas
-succumbed in the 18th century to rationalist ideas, feudal
-society fought its death battle with the then revolutionary
-bourgeoisie.  The ideas of religious liberty and freedom of
-conscience merely gave expression to the sway of free competition
-within the domain of knowledge.
-
-"Undoubtedly," it will be said, "religious, moral, philosophical
-and juridical ideas have been modified in the course of
-historical development.  But religion, morality philosophy,
-political science, and law, constantly survived this change."
-
-"There are, besides, eternal truths, such as Freedom, Justice,
-etc. that are common to all states of society. But Communism
-abolishes eternal truths, it abolishes all religion, and all
-morality, instead of constituting them on a new basis; it
-therefore acts in contradiction to all past historical experience."
-
-What does this accusation reduce itself to?  The history of
-all past society has consisted in the development of class
-antagonisms, antagonisms that assumed different forms at
-different epochs.
-
-But whatever form they may have taken, one fact is common to all
-past ages, viz., the exploitation of one part of society by the
-other. No wonder, then, that the social consciousness of past
-ages, despite all the multiplicity and variety it displays,
-moves within certain common forms, or general ideas, which
-cannot completely vanish except with the total disappearance of
-class antagonisms.
-
-The Communist revolution is the most radical rupture with
-traditional property relations; no wonder that its development
-involves the most radical rupture with traditional ideas.
-
-But let us have done with the bourgeois objections to Communism.
-
-We have seen above, that the first step in the revolution by the
-working class, is to raise the proletariat to the position of
-ruling as to win the battle of democracy.
-
-The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by
-degrees, all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralise all
-instruments of production in the hands of the State, i.e., of the
-proletariat organised as the ruling class; and to increase the
-total of productive forces as rapidly as possible.
-
-Of course, in the beginning, this cannot be effected except by
-means of despotic inroads on the rights of property, and on
-the conditions of bourgeois production; by means of measures,
-therefore, which appear economically insufficient and untenable,
-but which, in the course of the movement, outstrip themselves,
-necessitate further inroads upon the old social order, and are
-unavoidable as a means of entirely revolutionising the mode of
-production.
-
-These measures will of course be different in different
-countries.
-
-Nevertheless in the most advanced countries, the following will
-be pretty generally applicable.
-
-1.  Abolition of property in land and application of all rents
-    of land to public purposes.
-
-2.  A heavy progressive or graduated income tax.
-
-3.  Abolition of all right of inheritance.
-
-4.  Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels.
-
-5.  Centralisation of credit in the hands of the State, by means
-    of a national bank with State capital and an exclusive
-    monopoly.
-
-6.  Centralisation of the means of communication and transport
-    in the hands of the State.
-
-7.  Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by
-    the State; the bringing into cultivation of waste-lands, and
-    the improvement of the soil generally in accordance with a
-    common plan.
-
-8.  Equal liability of all to labour.  Establishment of
-    industrial armies, especially for agriculture.
-
-9.  Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries;
-    gradual abolition of the distinction between town and
-    country, by a more equable distribution of the population
-    over the country.
-
-10. Free education for all children in public schools.
-    Abolition of children's factory labour in its present form.
-    Combination of education with industrial production, &c., &c.
-
-When, in the course of development, class distinctions have
-disappeared, and all production has been concentrated in the
-hands of a vast association of the whole nation, the public power
-will lose its political character.  Political power, properly so
-called, is merely the organised power of one class for oppressing
-another.  If the proletariat during its contest with the
-bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of circumstances, to
-organise itself as a class, if, by means of a revolution, it
-makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps away by force
-the old conditions of production, then it will, along with these
-conditions, have swept away the conditions for the existence of
-class antagonisms and of classes generally, and will thereby have
-abolished its own supremacy as a class.
-
-In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and
-class antagonisms, we shall have an association, in which
-the free development of each is the condition for the free
-development of all.
-
-
-
-III.  SOCIALIST AND COMMUNIST LITERATURE
-
-
-1. REACTIONARY SOCIALISM
-
-
-A. Feudal Socialism
-
-Owing to their historical position, it became the vocation of the
-aristocracies of France and England to write pamphlets against
-modern bourgeois society.  In the French revolution of July 1830,
-and in the English reform agitation, these aristocracies again
-succumbed to the hateful upstart.  Thenceforth, a serious political
-contest was altogether out of the question.  A literary battle
-alone remained possible.  But even in the domain of literature
-the old cries of the restoration period had become impossible.
-
-In order to arouse sympathy, the aristocracy were obliged to
-lose sight, apparently, of their own interests, and to formulate
-their indictment against the bourgeoisie in the interest of the
-exploited working class alone.  Thus the aristocracy took their
-revenge by singing lampoons on their new master, and whispering
-in his ears sinister prophecies of coming catastrophe.
-
-In this way arose Feudal Socialism: half lamentation, half
-lampoon; half echo of the past, half menace of the future; at
-times, by its bitter, witty and incisive criticism, striking the
-bourgeoisie to the very heart's core; but always ludicrous in
-its effect, through total incapacity to comprehend the march of
-modern history.
-
-The aristocracy, in order to rally the people to them, waved the
-proletarian alms-bag in front for a banner.  But the people, so
-often as it joined them, saw on their hindquarters the old feudal
-coats of arms, and deserted with loud and irreverent laughter.
-
-One section of the French Legitimists and "Young England"
-exhibited this spectacle.
-
-In pointing out that their mode of exploitation was different to
-that of the bourgeoisie, the feudalists forget that they
-exploited under circumstances and conditions that were quite
-different, and that are now antiquated.  In showing that, under
-their rule, the modern proletariat never existed, they forget
-that the modern bourgeoisie is the necessary offspring of their
-own form of society.
-
-For the rest, so little do they conceal the reactionary
-character of their criticism that their chief accusation against
-the bourgeoisie amounts to this, that under the bourgeois regime
-a class is being developed, which is destined to cut up root and
-branch the old order of society.
-
-What they upbraid the bourgeoisie with is not so much that it
-creates a proletariat, as that it creates a revolutionary
-proletariat.
-
-In political practice, therefore, they join in all coercive
-measures against the working class; and in ordinary life,
-despite their high falutin phrases, they stoop to pick up the
-golden apples dropped from the tree of industry, and to barter
-truth, love, and honour for traffic in wool, beetroot-sugar, and
-potato spirits.
-
-As the parson has ever gone hand in hand with the landlord,
-so has Clerical Socialism with Feudal Socialism.
-
-Nothing is easier than to give Christian asceticism a Socialist
-tinge. Has not Christianity declaimed against private property,
-against marriage, against the State? Has it not preached in the
-place of these, charity and poverty, celibacy and mortification
-of the flesh, monastic life and Mother Church? Christian
-Socialism is but the holy, water with which the priest consecrates
-the heart-burnings of the aristocrat.
-
-
-B. Petty-Bourgeois Socialism
-
-The feudal aristocracy was not the only class that was ruined by
-the bourgeoisie, not the only class whose conditions of existence
-pined and perished in the atmosphere of modern bourgeois society.
-The mediaeval burgesses and the small peasant proprietors were
-the precursors of the modern bourgeoisie.  In those countries
-which are but little developed, industrially and commercially,
-these two classes still vegetate side by side with the rising
-bourgeoisie.
-
-In countries where modern civilisation has become fully
-developed, a new class of petty bourgeois has been formed,
-fluctuating between proletariat and bourgeoisie and ever renewing
-itself as a supplementary part of bourgeois society.  The
-individual members of this class, however, are being constantly
-hurled down into the proletariat by the action of competition,
-and, as modern industry develops, they even see the moment
-approaching when they will completely disappear as an independent
-section of modern society, to be replaced, in manufactures,
-agriculture and commerce, by overlookers, bailiffs and shopmen.
-
-In countries like France, where the peasants constitute far more
-than half of the population, it was natural that writers who
-sided with the proletariat against the bourgeoisie, should use,
-in their criticism of the bourgeois regime, the standard of the
-peasant and petty bourgeois, and from the standpoint of these
-intermediate classes should take up the cudgels for the working
-class.  Thus arose petty-bourgeois Socialism.  Sismondi was the
-head of this school, not only in France but also in England.
-
-This school of Socialism dissected with great acuteness the
-contradictions in the conditions of modern production.  It laid
-bare the hypocritical apologies of economists.  It proved,
-incontrovertibly, the disastrous effects of machinery and
-division of labour; the concentration of capital and land in a
-few hands; overproduction and crises; it pointed out the
-inevitable ruin of the petty bourgeois and peasant, the misery
-of the proletariat, the anarchy in production, the crying
-inequalities in the distribution of wealth, the industrial war of
-extermination between nations, the dissolution of old moral
-bonds, of the old family relations, of the old nationalities.
-
-In its positive aims, however, this form of Socialism aspires
-either to restoring the old means of production and of exchange,
-and with them the old property relations, and the old society, or
-to cramping the modern means of production and of exchange,
-within the framework of the old property relations that have
-been, and were bound to be, exploded by those means.  In either
-case, it is both reactionary and Utopian.
-
-Its last words are: corporate guilds for manufacture,
-patriarchal relations in agriculture.
-
-Ultimately, when stubborn historical facts had dispersed all
-intoxicating effects of self-deception, this form of Socialism
-ended in a miserable fit of the blues.
-
-
-C. German, or "True," Socialism
-
-The Socialist and Communist literature of France, a literature
-that originated under the pressure of a bourgeoisie in power, and
-that was the expression of the struggle against this power, was
-introduced into Germany at a time when the bourgeoisie, in that
-country, had just begun its contest with feudal absolutism.
-
-German philosophers, would-be philosophers, and beaux esprits,
-eagerly seized on this literature, only forgetting, that when
-these writings immigrated from France into Germany, French social
-conditions had not immigrated along with them.  In contact with
-German social conditions, this French literature lost all its
-immediate practical significance, and assumed a purely literary
-aspect.  Thus, to the German philosophers of the eighteenth
-century, the demands of the first French Revolution were nothing
-more than the demands of "Practical Reason" in general, and the
-utterance of the will of the revolutionary French bourgeoisie
-signified in their eyes the law of pure Will, of Will as it was
-bound to be, of true human Will generally.
-
-The world of the German literate consisted solely in bringing
-the new French ideas into harmony with their ancient philosophical
-conscience, or rather, in annexing the French ideas without
-deserting their own philosophic point of view.
-
-This annexation took place in the same way in which a foreign
-language is appropriated, namely, by translation.
-
-It is well known how the monks wrote silly lives of Catholic
-Saints over the manuscripts on which the classical works of
-ancient heathendom had been written.  The German literate
-reversed this process with the profane French literature.  They
-wrote their philosophical nonsense beneath the French original.
-For instance, beneath the French criticism of the economic
-functions of money, they wrote "Alienation of Humanity," and
-beneath the French criticism of the bourgeois State they wrote
-"dethronement of the Category of the General," and so forth.
-
-The introduction of these philosophical phrases at the back of
-the French historical criticisms they dubbed "Philosophy of
-Action," "True Socialism," "German Science of Socialism,"
-"Philosophical Foundation of Socialism," and so on.
-
-The French Socialist and Communist literature was thus completely
-emasculated. And, since it ceased in the hands of the German to express
-the struggle of one class with the other, he felt conscious of having
-overcome "French one-sidedness" and of representing, not true
-requirements, but the requirements of truth; not the interests of the
-proletariat, but the interests of Human Nature, of Man in general, who
-belongs to no class, has no reality, who exists only in the misty realm
-of philosophical fantasy.
-
-This German Socialism, which took its schoolboy task so seriously
-and solemnly, and extolled its poor stock-in-trade in such
-mountebank fashion, meanwhile gradually lost its pedantic
-innocence.
-
-The fight of the German, and especially, of the Prussian bourgeoisie,
-against feudal aristocracy and absolute monarchy, in other words, the
-liberal movement, became more earnest.
-
-By this, the long wished-for opportunity was offered to "True"
-Socialism of confronting the political movement with the
-Socialist demands, of hurling the traditional anathemas
-against liberalism, against representative government, against
-bourgeois competition, bourgeois freedom of the press, bourgeois
-legislation, bourgeois liberty and equality, and of preaching to
-the masses that they had nothing to gain, and everything to lose,
-by this bourgeois movement.  German Socialism forgot, in the nick
-of time, that the French criticism, whose silly echo it was,
-presupposed the existence of modern bourgeois society, with its
-corresponding economic conditions of existence, and the political
-constitution adapted thereto, the very things whose attainment
-was the object of the pending struggle in Germany.
-
-To the absolute governments, with their following of parsons,
-professors, country squires and officials, it served as a welcome
-scarecrow against the threatening bourgeoisie.
-
-It was a sweet finish after the bitter pills of floggings and
-bullets with which these same governments, just at that time,
-dosed the German working-class risings.
-
-While this "True" Socialism thus served the governments as a
-weapon for fighting the German bourgeoisie, it, at the same time,
-directly represented a reactionary interest, the interest of the
-German Philistines.  In Germany the petty-bourgeois class, a
-relic of the sixteenth century, and since then constantly
-cropping up again under various forms, is the real social basis
-of the existing state of things.
-
-To preserve this class is to preserve the existing state of
-things in Germany.  The industrial and political supremacy of the
-bourgeoisie threatens it with certain destruction; on the one
-hand, from the concentration of capital; on the other, from the
-rise of a revolutionary proletariat.  "True" Socialism appeared to
-kill these two birds with one stone.  It spread like an epidemic.
-
-The robe of speculative cobwebs, embroidered with flowers
-of rhetoric, steeped in the dew of sickly sentiment, this
-transcendental robe in which the German Socialists wrapped their
-sorry "eternal truths," all skin and bone, served to wonderfully
-increase the sale of their goods amongst such a public.  And on
-its part, German Socialism recognised, more and more, its own
-calling as the bombastic representative of the petty-bourgeois
-Philistine.
-
-It proclaimed the German nation to be the model nation, and the
-German petty Philistine to be the typical man.  To every
-villainous meanness of this model man it gave a hidden, higher,
-Socialistic interpretation, the exact contrary of its real
-character.  It went to the extreme length of directly opposing
-the "brutally destructive" tendency of Communism, and of
-proclaiming its supreme and impartial contempt of all class
-struggles.  With very few exceptions, all the so-called Socialist
-and Communist publications that now (1847) circulate in Germany
-belong to the domain of this foul and enervating literature.
-
-
-2. CONSERVATIVE, OR BOURGEOIS, SOCIALISM
-
-A part of the bourgeoisie is desirous of redressing social
-grievances, in order to secure the continued existence of
-bourgeois society.
-
-To this section belong economists, philanthropists,
-humanitarians, improvers of the condition of the working class,
-organisers of charity, members of societies for the prevention of
-cruelty to animals, temperance fanatics, hole-and-corner
-reformers of every imaginable kind.  This form of Socialism has,
-moreover, been worked out into complete systems.
-
-We may cite Proudhon's Philosophie de la Misere as an example of
-this form.
-
-The Socialistic bourgeois want all the advantages of modern
-social conditions without the struggles and dangers necessarily
-resulting therefrom.  They desire the existing state of society
-minus its revolutionary and disintegrating elements.  They wish
-for a bourgeoisie without a proletariat.  The bourgeoisie
-naturally conceives the world in which it is supreme to be the
-best; and bourgeois Socialism develops this comfortable
-conception into various more or less complete systems.  In
-requiring the proletariat to carry out such a system, and thereby
-to march straightway into the social New Jerusalem, it but
-requires in reality, that the proletariat should remain within
-the bounds of existing society, but should cast away all its
-hateful ideas concerning the bourgeoisie.
-
-A second and more practical, but less systematic, form of this
-Socialism sought to depreciate every revolutionary movement in
-the eyes of the working class, by showing that no mere political
-reform, but only a change in the material conditions of
-existence, in economic relations, could be of any advantage to
-them.  By changes in the material conditions of existence, this
-form of Socialism, however, by no means understands abolition of
-the bourgeois relations of production, an abolition that can be
-effected only by a revolution, but administrative reforms, based
-on the continued existence of these relations; reforms,
-therefore, that in no respect affect the relations between
-capital and labour, but, at the best, lessen the cost, and
-simplify the administrative work, of bourgeois government.
-
-Bourgeois Socialism attains adequate expression, when, and only
-when, it becomes a mere figure of speech.
-
-Free trade: for the benefit of the working class.  Protective
-duties: for the benefit of the working class.  Prison Reform: for
-the benefit of the working class.  This is the last word and the
-only seriously meant word of bourgeois Socialism.
-
-It is summed up in the phrase: the bourgeois is a bourgeois--for
-the benefit of the working class.
-
-
-3.  CRITICAL-UTOPIAN SOCIALISM AND COMMUNISM
-
-We do not here refer to that literature which, in every great
-modern revolution, has always given voice to the demands of the
-proletariat, such as the writings of Babeuf and others.
-
-The first direct attempts of the proletariat to attain its own
-ends, made in times of universal excitement, when feudal society
-was being overthrown, these attempts necessarily failed, owing
-to the then undeveloped state of the proletariat, as well as to
-the absence of the economic conditions for its emancipation,
-conditions that had yet to be produced, and could be produced
-by the impending bourgeois epoch alone. The revolutionary
-literature that accompanied these first movements of the
-proletariat had necessarily a reactionary character. It
-inculcated universal asceticism and social levelling in its
-crudest form.
-
-The Socialist and Communist systems properly so called, those of
-Saint-Simon, Fourier, Owen and others, spring into existence in
-the early undeveloped period, described above, of the struggle
-between proletariat and bourgeoisie (see Section 1. Bourgeois
-and Proletarians).
-
-The founders of these systems see, indeed, the class antagonisms, as
-well as the action of the decomposing elements, in the prevailing form
-of society. But the proletariat, as yet in its infancy, offers to them
-the spectacle of a class without any historical initiative or any
-independent political movement.
-
-Since the development of class antagonism keeps even pace with
-the development of industry, the economic situation, as they find
-it, does not as yet offer to them the material conditions for the
-emancipation of the proletariat.  They therefore search after a
-new social science, after new social laws, that are to create
-these conditions.
-
-Historical action is to yield to their personal inventive
-action, historically created conditions of emancipation to
-fantastic ones, and the gradual, spontaneous class-organisation
-of the proletariat to the organisation of society specially
-contrived by these inventors.  Future history resolves itself, in
-their eyes, into the propaganda and the practical carrying out of
-their social plans.
-
-In the formation of their plans they are conscious of caring
-chiefly for the interests of the working class, as being the most
-suffering class.  Only from the point of view of being the most
-suffering class does the proletariat exist for them.
-
-The undeveloped state of the class struggle, as well as their
-own surroundings, causes Socialists of this kind to consider
-themselves far superior to all class antagonisms.  They want to
-improve the condition of every member of society, even that of
-the most favoured.  Hence, they habitually appeal to society at
-large, without  distinction of class; nay, by preference, to the
-ruling class.  For how can people, when once they understand
-their system, fail to see in it the best possible plan of the
-best possible state of society?
-
-Hence, they reject all political, and especially all
-revolutionary, action; they wish to attain their ends by
-peaceful means, and endeavour, by small experiments, necessarily
-doomed to failure, and by the force of example, to pave the way
-for the new social Gospel.
-
-Such fantastic pictures of future society, painted at a time
-when the proletariat is still in a very undeveloped state and has
-but a fantastic conception of its own position correspond with
-the first instinctive yearnings of that class for a general
-reconstruction of society.
-
-But these Socialist and Communist publications contain also a
-critical element. They attack every principle of existing society.
-Hence they are full of the most valuable materials for the
-enlightenment of the working class. The practical measures
-proposed in them--such as the abolition of the distinction
-between town and country, of the family, of the carrying on of
-industries for the account of private individuals, and of the wage
-system, the proclamation of social harmony, the conversion of the
-functions of the State into a mere superintendence of production,
-all these proposals, point solely to the disappearance of class
-antagonisms which were, at that time, only just cropping up, and
-which, in these publications, are recognised in their earliest,
-indistinct and undefined forms only. These proposals, therefore,
-are of a purely Utopian character.
-
-The significance of Critical-Utopian Socialism and Communism
-bears an inverse relation to historical development.  In
-proportion as the modern class struggle develops and takes
-definite shape, this fantastic standing apart from the contest,
-these fantastic attacks on it, lose all practical value and all
-theoretical justification.  Therefore, although the originators
-of these systems were, in many respects, revolutionary, their
-disciples have, in every case, formed mere reactionary sects.
-They hold fast by the original views of their masters, in
-opposition to the progressive historical development of the
-proletariat.  They, therefore, endeavour, and that consistently,
-to deaden the class struggle and to reconcile the class antagonisms.
-They still dream of experimental realisation of their social
-Utopias, of founding isolated "phalansteres," of establishing
-"Home Colonies,"  of setting up a "Little Icaria"--duodecimo
-editions of the New Jerusalem--and to realise all these castles
-in the air, they are compelled to appeal to the feelings and
-purses of the bourgeois.  By degrees they sink into the category
-of the reactionary conservative Socialists depicted above,
-differing from these only by more systematic pedantry, and
-by their fanatical and superstitious belief in the miraculous
-effects of their social science.
-
-They, therefore, violently oppose all political action on the
-part of the working class; such action, according to them, can
-only result from blind unbelief in the new Gospel.
-
-The Owenites in England, and the Fourierists in France,
-respectively, oppose the Chartists and the Reformistes.
-
-
-
-IV.  POSITION OF THE COMMUNISTS IN RELATION TO THE
-VARIOUS EXISTING OPPOSITION PARTIES
-
-Section II has made clear the relations of the Communists to the
-existing working-class parties, such as the Chartists in England
-and the Agrarian Reformers in America.
-
-The Communists fight for the attainment of the immediate aims,
-for the enforcement of the momentary interests of the working
-class; but in the movement of the present, they also represent
-and take care of the future of that movement.  In France the
-Communists ally themselves with the Social-Democrats, against the
-conservative and radical bourgeoisie, reserving, however, the
-right to take up a critical position in regard to phrases and
-illusions traditionally handed down from the great Revolution.
-
-In Switzerland they support the Radicals, without losing sight
-of the fact that this party consists of antagonistic elements,
-partly of Democratic Socialists, in the French sense, partly of
-radical bourgeois.
-
-In Poland they support the party that insists on an agrarian
-revolution as the prime condition for national emancipation, that
-party which fomented the insurrection of Cracow in 1846.
-
-In Germany they fight with the bourgeoisie whenever it acts in a
-revolutionary way, against the absolute monarchy, the feudal
-squirearchy, and the petty bourgeoisie.
-
-But they never cease, for a single instant, to instil into the
-working class the clearest possible recognition of the hostile
-antagonism between bourgeoisie and proletariat, in order that the
-German workers may straightaway use, as so many weapons against
-the bourgeoisie, the social and political conditions that the
-bourgeoisie must necessarily introduce along with its supremacy,
-and in order that, after the fall of the reactionary classes in
-Germany, the fight against the bourgeoisie itself may immediately
-begin.
-
-The Communists turn their attention chiefly to Germany, because
-that country is on the eve of a bourgeois revolution that
-is bound to be carried out under more advanced conditions
-of European civilisation, and with a much more developed
-proletariat, than that of England was in the seventeenth, and of
-France in the eighteenth century, and because the bourgeois
-revolution in Germany will be but the prelude to an immediately
-following proletarian revolution.
-
-In short, the Communists everywhere support every revolutionary
-movement against the existing social and political order of
-things.
-
-In all these movements they bring to the front, as the leading
-question in each, the property question, no matter what its
-degree of development at the time.
-
-Finally, they labour everywhere for the union and agreement of
-the democratic parties of all countries.
-
-The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims.
-They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by
-the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions.
-Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolution.
-The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains.
-They have a world to win.
-
-
-           WORKING MEN OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE!
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
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