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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Communist Manifesto
+by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.net
+
+
+Title: The Communist Manifesto
+
+Author: Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels
+
+Release Date: January 25, 2005 [EBook #61]
+
+Language: English
+
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE COMMUNIST MANIFESTO ***
+
+
+
+
+Transcribed by Allen Lutins with assistance from Jim Tarzia.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
+
+[From the English edition of 1888, edited by Friedrich Engels]
+
+
+A spectre is haunting Europe--the spectre of Communism.
+All the Powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to
+exorcise this spectre: Pope and Czar, Metternich and Guizot,
+French Radicals and German police-spies.
+
+Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as
+Communistic by its opponents in power?  Where is the Opposition
+that has not hurled back the branding reproach of Communism,
+against the more advanced opposition parties, as well as against
+its reactionary adversaries?
+
+Two things result from this fact.
+
+I.  Communism is already acknowledged by all European Powers
+to be itself a Power.
+
+II.  It is high time that Communists should openly, in the
+face of the whole world, publish their views, their aims, their
+tendencies, and meet this nursery tale of the Spectre of
+Communism with a Manifesto of the party itself.
+
+To this end, Communists of various nationalities have
+assembled in London, and sketched the following Manifesto, to be
+published in the English, French, German, Italian, Flemish and
+Danish languages.
+
+
+
+I.  BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARIANS
+
+The history of all hitherto existing societies is the history
+of class struggles.
+
+Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf,
+guild-master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed,
+stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an
+uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time
+ended, either in a revolutionary re-constitution of society at
+large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes.
+
+In the earlier epochs of history, we find almost everywhere a
+complicated arrangement of society into various orders, a
+manifold gradation of social rank.  In ancient Rome we have
+patricians, knights, plebeians, slaves; in the Middle Ages,
+feudal lords, vassals, guild-masters, journeymen, apprentices,
+serfs; in almost all of these classes, again, subordinate
+gradations.
+
+The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins
+of feudal society has not done away with class antagonisms.  It
+has but established new classes, new conditions of oppression,
+new forms of struggle in place of the old ones.  Our epoch, the
+epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this distinctive
+feature: it has simplified the class antagonisms. Society as a
+whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps,
+into two great classes, directly facing each other: Bourgeoisie
+and Proletariat.
+
+From the serfs of the Middle Ages sprang the chartered burghers
+of the earliest towns.  From these burgesses the first elements
+of the bourgeoisie were developed.
+
+The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up
+fresh ground for the rising bourgeoisie. The East-Indian and
+Chinese markets, the colonisation of America, trade with
+the colonies, the increase in the means of exchange and in
+commodities generally, gave to commerce, to navigation, to
+industry, an impulse never before known, and thereby, to the
+revolutionary element in the tottering feudal society, a rapid
+development.
+
+The feudal system of industry, under which industrial production
+was monopolised by closed guilds, now no longer sufficed for the
+growing wants of the new markets.  The manufacturing system took
+its place.  The guild-masters were pushed on one side by the
+manufacturing middle class; division of labour between the
+different corporate guilds vanished in the face of division of
+labour in each single workshop.
+
+Meantime the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising.
+Even manufacture no longer sufficed.  Thereupon, steam and
+machinery revolutionised industrial production.  The place of
+manufacture was taken by the giant, Modern Industry, the place of
+the industrial middle class, by industrial millionaires, the
+leaders of whole industrial armies, the modern bourgeois.
+
+Modern industry has established the world-market, for which the
+discovery of America paved the way.  This market has given an
+immense development to commerce, to navigation, to communication
+by land.  This development has, in its time, reacted on the
+extension of industry; and in proportion as industry, commerce,
+navigation, railways extended, in the same proportion the
+bourgeoisie developed, increased its capital, and pushed into the
+background  every class handed down from the Middle Ages.
+
+We see, therefore, how the modern bourgeoisie is itself the
+product of a long course of development, of a series of
+revolutions in the modes of production and of exchange.
+
+Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie was accompanied
+by a corresponding political advance of that class.  An
+oppressed class under the sway of the feudal nobility, an
+armed and self-governing association in the mediaeval commune;
+here independent urban republic (as in Italy and Germany),
+there taxable "third estate" of the monarchy (as in France),
+afterwards, in the  period of manufacture proper, serving either
+the semi-feudal or the absolute monarchy as a counterpoise
+against the nobility, and, in fact, corner-stone of the great
+monarchies in general, the bourgeoisie has at last, since the
+establishment of Modern Industry and of the world-market,
+conquered for itself, in the modern representative State,
+exclusive political sway.  The executive of the modern State is
+but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole
+bourgeoisie.
+
+The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary
+part.
+
+The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an
+end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations.  It has
+pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to
+his "natural superiors," and has left remaining no other nexus
+between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous "cash
+payment."  It has drowned the most heavenly ecstasies of
+religious fervour, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of philistine
+sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical calculation.  It
+has resolved personal worth into exchange value, and in place of
+the numberless and indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up that
+single, unconscionable freedom--Free Trade.  In one word, for
+exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, naked,
+shameless, direct, brutal exploitation.
+
+The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation
+hitherto honoured and looked up to with reverent awe.  It has
+converted the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the
+man of science, into its paid wage labourers.
+
+The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental
+veil, and has reduced the family relation to a mere money
+relation.
+
+The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to pass that the
+brutal display of vigour in the Middle Ages, which Reactionists
+so much admire, found its fitting complement in the most slothful
+indolence.  It has been the first to show what man's activity can
+bring about.  It has accomplished wonders far surpassing Egyptian
+pyramids, Roman aqueducts, and Gothic cathedrals; it has
+conducted expeditions that put in the shade all former Exoduses
+of nations and crusades.
+
+The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionising
+the instruments of production, and thereby the relations of
+production, and with them the whole relations of society.
+Conservation of the old modes of production in unaltered form,
+was, on the contrary, the first condition of existence for all
+earlier industrial classes. Constant revolutionising of
+production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions,
+everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois
+epoch from all earlier ones. All fixed, fast-frozen relations,
+with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices and
+opinions, are swept away, all new-formed ones become antiquated
+before they can ossify. All that is solid melts into air, all
+that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face
+with sober senses, his real conditions of life, and his
+relations with his kind.
+
+The need of a constantly expanding market for its products
+chases the bourgeoisie over the whole surface of the globe. It
+must nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connexions
+everywhere.
+
+The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world-market
+given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in
+every country.  To the great chagrin of Reactionists, it has
+drawn from under the feet of industry the national ground on
+which it stood.  All old-established national industries have
+been destroyed or are daily being destroyed.  They are dislodged
+by new industries, whose introduction becomes a life and death
+question for all civilised nations, by industries that no longer
+work up indigenous raw material, but raw material drawn from the
+remotest zones; industries whose products are consumed, not only
+at home, but in every quarter of the globe.  In place of the old
+wants, satisfied by the productions of the country, we find new
+wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant
+lands and climes.  In place of the old local and national
+seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every
+direction, universal inter-dependence of nations.  And as in
+material, so also in intellectual production.  The intellectual
+creations of individual nations become common property.  National
+one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness become more and more
+impossible, and from the numerous national and local literatures,
+there arises a world literature.
+
+The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of
+production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication,
+draws all, even the most barbarian, nations into civilisation.
+The cheap prices of its commodities are the heavy artillery with
+which it batters down all Chinese walls, with which it forces the
+barbarians' intensely obstinate hatred of foreigners to
+capitulate.  It compels all nations, on pain of extinction, to
+adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it compels them to
+introduce what it calls civilisation into their midst, i.e., to
+become bourgeois themselves.  In one word, it creates a world
+after its own image.
+
+The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of the
+towns.  It has created enormous cities, has greatly increased the
+urban population as compared with the rural, and has thus rescued
+a considerable part of the population from the idiocy of rural
+life.  Just as it has made the country dependent on the towns, so
+it has made barbarian and semi-barbarian countries dependent on
+the civilised ones, nations of peasants on nations of bourgeois,
+the East on the West.
+
+The bourgeoisie keeps more and more doing away with the
+scattered state of the population, of the means of production,
+and of property.  It has agglomerated production, and has
+concentrated property in a few hands.  The necessary consequence
+of this was political centralisation.  Independent, or but
+loosely connected provinces, with separate interests, laws,
+governments and systems of taxation, became lumped together into
+one nation, with one government, one code of laws, one national
+class-interest, one frontier and one customs-tariff.  The
+bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce one hundred years, has
+created more massive and more colossal productive forces than
+have all preceding generations together.  Subjection of Nature's
+forces to man, machinery, application of chemistry to industry
+and agriculture, steam-navigation, railways, electric telegraphs,
+clearing of whole continents for cultivation, canalisation of
+rivers, whole populations conjured out of the ground--what
+earlier century had even a presentiment that such productive
+forces slumbered in the lap of social labour?
+
+We see then: the means of production and of exchange, on whose
+foundation the bourgeoisie built itself up, were generated in
+feudal society.  At a certain stage in the development of these
+means of production and of exchange, the conditions under which
+feudal society produced and exchanged, the feudal organisation of
+agriculture and manufacturing industry, in one word, the feudal
+relations of property became no longer compatible with the
+already developed productive forces; they became so many fetters.
+They had to be burst asunder; they were burst asunder.
+
+Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a
+social and political constitution adapted to it, and by the
+economical and political sway of the bourgeois class.
+
+A similar movement is going on before our own eyes.  Modern
+bourgeois society with its relations of production, of exchange
+and of property, a society that has conjured up such gigantic
+means of production and of exchange, is like the sorcerer, who is
+no longer able to control the powers of the nether world whom he
+has called up by his spells.  For many a decade past the history
+of industry and commerce is but the history of the revolt of
+modern productive forces against modern conditions of production,
+against the property relations that are the conditions for the
+existence of the bourgeoisie and of its rule.  It is enough to
+mention the commercial crises that by their periodical return put
+on its trial, each time more threateningly, the existence of the
+entire bourgeois society.  In these crises a great part not only
+of the existing products, but also of the previously created
+productive forces, are periodically destroyed.  In these crises
+there breaks out an epidemic that, in all earlier epochs, would
+have seemed an absurdity--the epidemic of over-production.
+Society suddenly finds itself put back into a state of momentary
+barbarism; it appears as if a famine, a universal war of
+devastation had cut off the supply of every means of subsistence;
+industry and commerce seem to be destroyed; and why?  Because
+there is too much civilisation, too much means of subsistence,
+too much industry, too much commerce.  The productive forces at
+the disposal of society no longer tend to further the development
+of the conditions of bourgeois property; on the contrary, they
+have become too powerful for these conditions, by which they are
+fettered, and so soon as they overcome these fetters, they bring
+disorder into the whole of bourgeois society, endanger the
+existence of bourgeois property.  The conditions of bourgeois
+society are too narrow to comprise the wealth created by them.
+And how does the bourgeoisie get over these crises?  On the one
+hand inforced destruction of a mass of productive forces; on the
+other, by the conquest of new markets, and by the more thorough
+exploitation of the old ones.  That is to say, by paving the
+way for more extensive and more destructive crises, and by
+diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented.
+
+The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the
+ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself.
+
+But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring
+death to itself; it has also called into existence the men who
+are to wield those weapons--the modern working class--the
+proletarians.
+
+In proportion as the bourgeoisie, i.e., capital, is developed,
+in the same proportion is the proletariat, the modern working
+class, developed--a class of labourers, who live only so long
+as they find work, and who find work only so long as their labour
+increases capital.  These labourers, who must sell themselves
+piece-meal, are a commodity, like every other article of
+commerce, and are consequently exposed to all the vicissitudes of
+competition, to all the fluctuations of the market.
+
+Owing to the extensive use of machinery and to division of
+labour, the work of the proletarians has lost all individual
+character, and consequently, all charm for the workman.  He
+becomes an appendage of the machine, and it is only the most
+simple, most monotonous, and most easily acquired knack, that is
+required of him.  Hence, the cost of production of a workman is
+restricted, almost entirely, to the means of subsistence that he
+requires for his maintenance, and for the propagation of his
+race.  But the price of a commodity, and therefore also of
+labour, is equal to its cost of production.  In proportion
+therefore, as the repulsiveness of the work increases, the wage
+decreases.  Nay more, in proportion as the use of machinery and
+division of labour increases, in the same proportion the burden
+of toil also increases, whether by prolongation of the working
+hours, by increase of the work exacted in a given time or by
+increased speed of the machinery, etc.
+
+Modern industry has converted the little workshop of the
+patriarchal master into the great factory of the industrial
+capitalist.  Masses of labourers, crowded into the factory, are
+organised like soldiers.  As privates of the industrial army they
+are placed under the command of a perfect hierarchy of officers
+and sergeants.  Not only are they slaves of the bourgeois class,
+and of the bourgeois State; they are daily and hourly enslaved by
+the machine, by the over-looker, and, above all, by the
+individual bourgeois manufacturer himself.  The more openly this
+despotism proclaims gain to be its end and aim, the more petty,
+the more hateful and the more embittering it is.
+
+The less the skill and exertion of strength implied in manual
+labour, in other words, the more modern industry becomes
+developed, the more is the labour of men superseded by that of
+women. Differences of age and sex have no longer any distinctive
+social validity for the working class. All are instruments of
+labour, more or less expensive to use, according to their age
+and sex.
+
+No sooner is the exploitation of the labourer by the manufacturer,
+so far at an end, that he receives his wages in cash, than he is
+set upon by the other portions of the bourgeoisie, the landlord,
+the shopkeeper, the pawnbroker, etc.
+
+The lower strata of the middle class--the small tradespeople,
+shopkeepers, retired tradesmen generally, the handicraftsmen and
+peasants--all these sink gradually into the proletariat, partly
+because their diminutive capital does not suffice for the scale
+on which Modern Industry is carried on, and is swamped in the
+competition with the large capitalists, partly because their
+specialized skill is rendered worthless by the new methods of
+production.  Thus the proletariat is recruited from all classes
+of the population.
+
+The proletariat goes through various stages of development.
+With its birth begins its struggle with the bourgeoisie.  At
+first the contest is carried on by individual labourers, then by
+the workpeople of a factory, then by the operatives of one trade,
+in one locality, against the individual bourgeois who directly
+exploits them.  They direct their attacks not against the
+bourgeois conditions of production, but against the instruments
+of production themselves; they destroy imported wares that
+compete with their labour, they smash to pieces machinery, they
+set factories ablaze, they seek to restore by force the vanished
+status of the workman of the Middle Ages.
+
+At this stage the labourers still form an incoherent mass
+scattered over the whole country, and broken up by their mutual
+competition.  If anywhere they unite to form more compact bodies,
+this is not yet the consequence of their own active union, but of
+the union of the bourgeoisie, which class, in order to attain its
+own political ends, is compelled to set the whole proletariat in
+motion, and is moreover yet, for a time, able to do so.  At this
+stage, therefore, the proletarians do not fight their enemies,
+but the enemies of their enemies, the remnants of absolute
+monarchy, the landowners, the non-industrial bourgeois, the petty
+bourgeoisie.  Thus the whole historical movement is concentrated
+in the hands of the bourgeoisie; every victory so obtained is a
+victory for the bourgeoisie.
+
+But with the development of industry the proletariat not only
+increases in number; it becomes concentrated in greater masses,
+its strength grows, and it feels that strength more.  The various
+interests and conditions of life within the ranks of the
+proletariat are more and more equalised, in proportion as
+machinery obliterates all distinctions of labour, and nearly
+everywhere reduces wages to the same low level.  The growing
+competition among the bourgeois, and the resulting commercial
+crises, make the wages of the workers ever more fluctuating.  The
+unceasing improvement of machinery, ever more rapidly developing,
+makes their livelihood more and more precarious; the collisions
+between individual workmen and individual bourgeois take more and
+more the character of collisions between two classes.  Thereupon
+the workers begin to form combinations (Trades Unions) against
+the bourgeois; they club together in order to keep up the rate of
+wages; they found permanent associations in order to make
+provision beforehand for these occasional revolts.  Here and
+there the contest breaks out into riots.
+
+Now and then the workers are victorious, but only for a time.
+The real fruit of their battles lies, not in the immediate
+result, but in the ever-expanding union of the workers.  This
+union is helped on by the improved means of communication that
+are created by modern industry and that place the workers of
+different localities in contact with one another.  It was just
+this contact that was needed to centralise the numerous local
+struggles, all of the same character, into one national struggle
+between classes.  But every class struggle is a political
+struggle.  And that union, to attain which the burghers of the
+Middle Ages, with their miserable highways, required centuries,
+the modern proletarians, thanks to railways, achieve in a few
+years.
+
+This organisation of the proletarians into a class, and
+consequently into a political party, is continually being upset
+again by the competition between the workers themselves.  But it
+ever rises up again, stronger, firmer, mightier.  It compels
+legislative recognition of particular interests of the workers,
+by taking advantage of the divisions among the bourgeoisie
+itself.  Thus the ten-hours' bill in England was carried.
+
+Altogether collisions between the classes of the old society
+further, in many ways, the course of development of the
+proletariat. The bourgeoisie finds itself involved in a constant
+battle. At first with the aristocracy; later on, with those
+portions of the bourgeoisie itself, whose interests have become
+antagonistic to the progress of industry; at all times, with the
+bourgeoisie of foreign countries. In all these battles it sees
+itself compelled to appeal to the proletariat, to ask for its
+help, and thus, to drag it into the political arena. The
+bourgeoisie itself, therefore, supplies the proletariat with its
+own instruments of political and general education, in other
+words, it furnishes the proletariat with weapons for fighting
+the bourgeoisie.
+
+Further, as we have already seen, entire sections of the ruling
+classes are, by the advance of industry, precipitated into the
+proletariat, or are at least threatened in their conditions of
+existence.  These also supply the proletariat with fresh elements
+of enlightenment and progress.
+
+Finally, in times when the class struggle nears the decisive
+hour, the process of dissolution going on within the ruling
+class, in fact within the whole range of society, assumes such a
+violent, glaring character, that a small section of the ruling
+class cuts itself adrift, and joins the revolutionary class, the
+class that holds the future in its hands.  Just as, therefore, at
+an earlier period, a section of the nobility went over to the
+bourgeoisie, so now a portion of the bourgeoisie goes over to the
+proletariat, and in particular, a portion of the bourgeois
+ideologists, who have raised themselves to the level of
+comprehending theoretically the historical movement as a whole.
+
+Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie
+today, the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class.
+The other classes decay and finally disappear in the face of
+Modern Industry; the proletariat is its special and essential
+product.  The lower middle class, the small manufacturer, the
+shopkeeper, the artisan, the peasant, all these fight against the
+bourgeoisie, to save from extinction their existence as fractions
+of the middle class.  They are therefore not revolutionary, but
+conservative.  Nay more, they are reactionary, for they try
+to roll back the wheel of history.  If by chance they are
+revolutionary, they are so only in view of their impending
+transfer into the proletariat, they thus defend not their
+present, but their future interests, they desert their own
+standpoint to place themselves at that of the proletariat.
+
+The "dangerous class," the social scum, that passively rotting
+mass thrown off by the lowest layers of old society, may,
+here and there, be swept into the movement by a proletarian
+revolution; its conditions of life, however, prepare it far more
+for the part of a bribed tool of reactionary intrigue.
+
+In the conditions of the proletariat, those of old society at
+large are already virtually swamped.  The proletarian is without
+property; his relation to his wife and children has no longer
+anything in common with the bourgeois family-relations; modern
+industrial labour, modern subjection to capital, the same in
+England as in France, in America as in Germany, has stripped him
+of every trace of national character.  Law, morality, religion,
+are to him so many bourgeois prejudices, behind which lurk in
+ambush just as many bourgeois interests.
+
+All the preceding classes that got the upper hand, sought to
+fortify their already acquired status by subjecting society at
+large to their conditions of appropriation.  The proletarians
+cannot become masters of the productive forces of society, except
+by abolishing their own previous mode of appropriation, and
+thereby also every other previous mode of appropriation.  They
+have nothing of their own to secure and to fortify; their mission
+is to destroy all previous securities for, and insurances of,
+individual property.
+
+All previous historical movements were movements of minorities,
+or in the interests of minorities.  The proletarian movement is
+the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority,
+in the interests of the immense majority.  The proletariat, the
+lowest stratum of our present society, cannot stir, cannot raise
+itself up, without the whole superincumbent strata of official
+society being sprung into the air.
+
+Though not in substance, yet in form, the struggle of the
+proletariat with the bourgeoisie is at first a national struggle.
+The proletariat of each country must, of course, first of all
+settle matters with its own bourgeoisie.
+
+In depicting the most general phases of the development of the
+proletariat, we traced the more or less veiled civil war, raging
+within existing society, up to the point where that war breaks
+out into open revolution, and where the violent overthrow of the
+bourgeoisie lays the foundation for the sway of the proletariat.
+
+Hitherto, every form of society has been based, as we have
+already seen, on the antagonism of oppressing and oppressed
+classes.  But in order to oppress a class, certain conditions
+must be assured to it under which it can, at least, continue its
+slavish existence.  The serf, in the period of serfdom, raised
+himself to membership in the commune, just as the petty
+bourgeois, under the yoke of feudal absolutism, managed to
+develop into a bourgeois.  The modern laborer, on the contrary,
+instead of rising with the progress of industry, sinks deeper and
+deeper below the conditions of existence of his own class.  He
+becomes a pauper, and pauperism develops more rapidly than
+population and wealth.  And here it becomes evident, that the
+bourgeoisie is unfit any longer to be the ruling class in
+society, and to impose its conditions of existence upon society
+as an over-riding law.  It is unfit to rule because it is
+incompetent to assure an existence to its slave within his
+slavery, because it cannot help letting him sink into such a
+state, that it has to feed him, instead of being fed by him.
+Society can no longer live under this bourgeoisie, in other
+words, its existence is no longer compatible with society.
+
+The essential condition for the existence, and for the sway of
+the bourgeois class, is the formation and augmentation of
+capital; the condition for capital is wage-labour.  Wage-labour
+rests exclusively on competition between the laborers.  The
+advance of industry, whose involuntary promoter is the bourgeoisie,
+replaces the isolation of the labourers, due to competition,
+by their revolutionary combination, due to association.  The
+development of Modern Industry, therefore, cuts from under its
+feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces and
+appropriates products.  What the bourgeoisie, therefore, produces,
+above all, is its own grave-diggers.  Its fall and the victory of
+the proletariat are equally inevitable.
+
+
+
+II.  PROLETARIANS AND COMMUNISTS
+
+In what relation do the Communists stand to the proletarians as a
+whole?
+
+The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to other
+working-class parties.
+
+They have no interests separate and apart from those of the
+proletariat as a whole.
+
+They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own,
+by which to shape and mould the proletarian movement.
+
+The Communists are distinguished from the other working-class parties
+by this only: (1) In the national struggles of the proletarians
+of the different countries, they point out and bring to the front
+the common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of
+all nationality.  (2) In the various stages of development which the
+struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass
+through, they always and everywhere represent the interests of the
+movement as a whole.
+
+The Communists, therefore, are on the one hand, practically,
+the most advanced and resolute section of the working-class
+parties of every country, that section which pushes forward
+all others; on the other hand, theoretically, they have over
+the great mass of the proletariat the advantage of clearly
+understanding the line of march, the conditions, and the ultimate
+general results of the proletarian movement.
+
+The immediate aim of the Communist is the same as that of all
+the other proletarian parties: formation of the proletariat into
+a class, overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy, conquest of
+political power by the proletariat.
+
+The theoretical conclusions of the Communists are in no way
+based on ideas or principles that have been invented, or
+discovered, by this or that would-be universal reformer.  They
+merely express, in general terms, actual relations springing from
+an existing class struggle, from a historical movement going on
+under our very eyes.  The abolition of existing property
+relations is not at all a distinctive feature of Communism.
+
+All property relations in the past have continually been subject
+to historical change consequent upon the change in historical
+conditions.
+
+The French Revolution, for example, abolished feudal property in
+favour of bourgeois property.
+
+The distinguishing feature of Communism is not the abolition of
+property generally, but the abolition of bourgeois property. But
+modern bourgeois private property is the final and most complete
+expression of the system of producing and appropriating products,
+that is based on class antagonisms, on the exploitation of the
+many by the few.
+
+In this sense, the theory of the Communists may be summed up in
+the single sentence: Abolition of private property.
+
+We Communists have been reproached with the desire of abolishing
+the right of personally acquiring property as the fruit of a
+man's own labour, which property is alleged to be the groundwork
+of all personal freedom, activity and independence.
+
+Hard-won, self-acquired, self-earned property!  Do you mean the
+property of the petty artisan and of the small peasant, a form of
+property that preceded the bourgeois form?  There is no need to
+abolish that; the development of industry has to a great extent
+already destroyed it, and is still destroying it daily.
+
+Or do you mean modern bourgeois private property?
+
+But does wage-labour create any property for the labourer?  Not
+a bit.  It creates capital, i.e., that kind of property which
+exploits wage-labour, and which cannot increase except upon
+condition of begetting a new supply of wage-labour for fresh
+exploitation.  Property, in its present form, is based on the
+antagonism of capital and wage-labour.  Let us examine both sides
+of this antagonism.
+
+To be a capitalist, is to have not only a purely personal, but a
+social status in production.  Capital is a collective product,
+and only by the united action of many members, nay, in the last
+resort, only by the united action of all members of society,
+can it be set in motion.
+
+Capital is, therefore, not a personal, it is a social power.
+
+When, therefore, capital is converted into common property, into
+the property of all members of society, personal property is not
+thereby transformed into social property. It is only the social
+character of the property that is changed. It loses its
+class-character.
+
+Let us now take wage-labour.
+
+The average price of wage-labour is the minimum wage, i.e.,
+that quantum of the means of subsistence, which is absolutely
+requisite in bare existence as a labourer.  What, therefore, the
+wage-labourer appropriates by means of his labour, merely
+suffices to prolong and reproduce a bare existence.  We by no
+means intend to abolish this personal appropriation of the
+products of labour, an appropriation that is made for the
+maintenance and reproduction of human life, and that leaves no
+surplus wherewith to command the labour of others.  All that we
+want to do away with, is the miserable character of this
+appropriation, under which the labourer lives merely to increase
+capital, and is allowed to live only in so far as the interest of
+the ruling class requires it.
+
+In bourgeois society, living labour is but a means to increase
+accumulated labour.  In Communist society, accumulated labour
+is but a means to widen, to enrich, to promote the existence
+of the labourer.
+
+In bourgeois society, therefore, the past dominates the present;
+in Communist society, the present dominates the past.  In
+bourgeois society capital is independent and has individuality,
+while the living person is dependent and has no individuality.
+
+And the abolition of this state of things is called by the
+bourgeois, abolition of individuality and freedom! And rightly
+so. The abolition of bourgeois individuality, bourgeois
+independence, and bourgeois freedom is undoubtedly aimed at.
+
+By freedom is meant, under the present bourgeois conditions of
+production, free trade, free selling and buying.
+
+But if selling and buying disappears, free selling and buying
+disappears also.  This talk about free selling and buying, and
+all the other "brave words" of our bourgeoisie about freedom in
+general, have a meaning, if any, only in contrast with restricted
+selling and buying, with the fettered traders of the Middle Ages,
+but have no meaning when opposed to the Communistic abolition of
+buying and selling, of the bourgeois conditions of production,
+and of the bourgeoisie itself.
+
+You are horrified at our intending to do away with private
+property.  But in your existing society, private property is
+already done away with for nine-tenths of the population; its
+existence for the few is solely due to its non-existence in the
+hands of those nine-tenths.  You reproach us, therefore, with
+intending to do away with a form of property, the necessary
+condition for whose existence is the non-existence of any
+property for the immense majority of society.
+
+In one word, you reproach us with intending to do away with your
+property.  Precisely so; that is just what we intend.
+
+From the moment when labour can no longer be converted into
+capital, money, or rent, into a social power capable of being
+monopolised, i.e., from the moment when individual property can
+no longer be transformed into bourgeois property, into capital,
+from that moment, you say individuality vanishes.
+
+You must, therefore, confess that by "individual" you mean no
+other person than the bourgeois, than the middle-class owner of
+property.  This person must, indeed, be swept out of the way, and
+made impossible.
+
+Communism deprives no man of the power to appropriate the
+products of society; all that it does is to deprive him of the
+power to subjugate the labour of others by means of such
+appropriation.
+
+It has been objected that upon the abolition of private property
+all work will cease, and universal laziness will overtake us.
+
+According to this, bourgeois society ought long ago to have gone
+to the dogs through sheer idleness; for those of its members who
+work, acquire nothing, and those who acquire anything, do not
+work. The whole of this objection is but another expression of
+the tautology: that there can no longer be any wage-labour when
+there is no longer any capital.
+
+All objections urged against the Communistic mode of producing
+and appropriating material products, have, in the same way,
+been urged against the Communistic modes of producing and
+appropriating intellectual products.  Just as, to the bourgeois,
+the disappearance of class property is the disappearance of
+production itself, so the disappearance of class culture is to
+him identical with the disappearance of all culture.
+
+That culture, the loss of which he laments, is, for the enormous
+majority, a mere training to act as a machine.
+
+But don't wrangle with us so long as you apply, to our intended
+abolition of bourgeois property, the standard of your bourgeois
+notions of freedom, culture, law, etc.  Your very ideas are but
+the outgrowth of the conditions of your bourgeois production and
+bourgeois property, just as your jurisprudence is but the will of
+your class made into a law for all, a will, whose essential
+character and direction are determined by the economical
+conditions of existence of your class.
+
+The selfish misconception that induces you to transform into
+eternal laws of nature and of reason, the social forms
+springing from your present mode of production and form of
+property--historical relations that rise and disappear in the
+progress of production--this misconception you share with every
+ruling class that has preceded you.  What you see clearly in the
+case of ancient property, what you admit in the case of feudal
+property, you are of course forbidden to admit in the case of
+your own bourgeois form of property.
+
+Abolition of the family!  Even the most radical flare up at this
+infamous proposal of the Communists.
+
+On what foundation is the present family, the bourgeois family,
+based?  On capital, on private gain.  In its completely developed
+form this family exists only among the bourgeoisie.  But this
+state of things finds its complement in the practical absence of
+the family among the proletarians, and in public prostitution.
+
+The bourgeois family will vanish as a matter of course when its
+complement vanishes, and both will vanish with the vanishing of
+capital.
+
+Do you charge us with wanting to stop the exploitation of
+children by their parents?  To this crime we plead guilty.
+
+But, you will say, we destroy the most hallowed of relations,
+when we replace home education by social.
+
+And your education!  Is not that also social, and determined by the
+social conditions under which you educate, by the intervention,
+direct or indirect, of society, by means of schools, etc.?  The
+Communists have not invented the intervention of society in
+education; they do but seek to alter the character of that
+intervention, and to rescue education from the influence of the
+ruling class.
+
+The bourgeois clap-trap about the family and education, about
+the hallowed co-relation of parent and child, becomes all the
+more disgusting, the more, by the action of Modern Industry, all
+family ties among the proletarians are torn asunder, and their
+children transformed into simple articles of commerce and
+instruments of labour.
+
+But you Communists would introduce community of women, screams
+the whole bourgeoisie in chorus.
+
+The bourgeois sees in his wife a mere instrument of production.
+He hears that the instruments of production are to be exploited
+in common, and, naturally, can come to no other conclusion than
+that the lot of being common to all will likewise fall to the
+women.
+
+He has not even a suspicion that the real point is to do away
+with the status of women as mere instruments of production.
+
+For the rest, nothing is more ridiculous than the
+virtuous indignation of our bourgeois at the community of women
+which, they pretend, is to be openly and officially established
+by the Communists.  The Communists have no need to introduce
+community of women; it has existed almost from time immemorial.
+
+Our bourgeois, not content with having the wives and daughters
+of their proletarians at their disposal, not to speak of common
+prostitutes, take the greatest pleasure in seducing each other's
+wives.
+
+Bourgeois marriage is in reality a system of wives in common
+and thus, at the most, what the Communists might possibly
+be reproached with, is that they desire to introduce, in
+substitution for a hypocritically concealed, an openly legalised
+community of women. For the rest, it is self-evident that the
+abolition of the present system of production must bring with it
+the abolition of the community of women springing from that
+system, i.e., of prostitution both public and private.
+
+The Communists are further reproached with desiring to abolish
+countries and nationality.
+
+The working men have no country.  We cannot take from them what
+they have not got.  Since the proletariat must first of all
+acquire political supremacy, must rise to be the leading class of
+the nation, must constitute itself the nation, it is, so far,
+itself national, though not in the bourgeois sense of the word.
+
+National differences and antagonisms between peoples are daily
+more and more vanishing, owing to the development of the
+bourgeoisie, to freedom of commerce, to the world-market, to
+uniformity in the mode of production and in the conditions of
+life corresponding thereto.
+
+The supremacy of the proletariat will cause them to vanish still
+faster. United action, of the leading civilised countries at
+least, is one of the first conditions for the emancipation of
+the proletariat.
+
+In proportion as the exploitation of one individual by another
+is put an end to, the exploitation of one nation by another will
+also be put an end to.  In proportion as the antagonism between
+classes within the nation vanishes, the hostility of one nation
+to another will come to an end.
+
+The charges against Communism made from a religious, a
+philosophical, and, generally, from an ideological standpoint,
+are not deserving of serious examination.
+
+Does it require deep intuition to comprehend that man's ideas,
+views and conceptions, in one word, man's consciousness, changes
+with every change in the conditions of his material existence, in
+his social relations and in his social life?
+
+What else does the history of ideas prove, than that
+intellectual production changes its character in proportion as
+material production is changed? The ruling ideas of each age
+have ever been the ideas of its ruling class.
+
+When people speak of ideas that revolutionise society, they do
+but express the fact, that within the old society, the elements
+of a new one have been created, and that the dissolution of the
+old ideas keeps even pace with the dissolution of the old
+conditions of existence.
+
+When the ancient world was in its last throes, the ancient
+religions were overcome by Christianity.  When Christian ideas
+succumbed in the 18th century to rationalist ideas, feudal
+society fought its death battle with the then revolutionary
+bourgeoisie.  The ideas of religious liberty and freedom of
+conscience merely gave expression to the sway of free competition
+within the domain of knowledge.
+
+"Undoubtedly," it will be said, "religious, moral, philosophical
+and juridical ideas have been modified in the course of
+historical development.  But religion, morality philosophy,
+political science, and law, constantly survived this change."
+
+"There are, besides, eternal truths, such as Freedom, Justice,
+etc. that are common to all states of society. But Communism
+abolishes eternal truths, it abolishes all religion, and all
+morality, instead of constituting them on a new basis; it
+therefore acts in contradiction to all past historical experience."
+
+What does this accusation reduce itself to?  The history of
+all past society has consisted in the development of class
+antagonisms, antagonisms that assumed different forms at
+different epochs.
+
+But whatever form they may have taken, one fact is common to all
+past ages, viz., the exploitation of one part of society by the
+other. No wonder, then, that the social consciousness of past
+ages, despite all the multiplicity and variety it displays,
+moves within certain common forms, or general ideas, which
+cannot completely vanish except with the total disappearance of
+class antagonisms.
+
+The Communist revolution is the most radical rupture with
+traditional property relations; no wonder that its development
+involves the most radical rupture with traditional ideas.
+
+But let us have done with the bourgeois objections to Communism.
+
+We have seen above, that the first step in the revolution by the
+working class, is to raise the proletariat to the position of
+ruling as to win the battle of democracy.
+
+The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by
+degrees, all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralise all
+instruments of production in the hands of the State, i.e., of the
+proletariat organised as the ruling class; and to increase the
+total of productive forces as rapidly as possible.
+
+Of course, in the beginning, this cannot be effected except by
+means of despotic inroads on the rights of property, and on
+the conditions of bourgeois production; by means of measures,
+therefore, which appear economically insufficient and untenable,
+but which, in the course of the movement, outstrip themselves,
+necessitate further inroads upon the old social order, and are
+unavoidable as a means of entirely revolutionising the mode of
+production.
+
+These measures will of course be different in different
+countries.
+
+Nevertheless in the most advanced countries, the following will
+be pretty generally applicable.
+
+1.  Abolition of property in land and application of all rents
+    of land to public purposes.
+
+2.  A heavy progressive or graduated income tax.
+
+3.  Abolition of all right of inheritance.
+
+4.  Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels.
+
+5.  Centralisation of credit in the hands of the State, by means
+    of a national bank with State capital and an exclusive
+    monopoly.
+
+6.  Centralisation of the means of communication and transport
+    in the hands of the State.
+
+7.  Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by
+    the State; the bringing into cultivation of waste-lands, and
+    the improvement of the soil generally in accordance with a
+    common plan.
+
+8.  Equal liability of all to labour.  Establishment of
+    industrial armies, especially for agriculture.
+
+9.  Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries;
+    gradual abolition of the distinction between town and
+    country, by a more equable distribution of the population
+    over the country.
+
+10. Free education for all children in public schools.
+    Abolition of children's factory labour in its present form.
+    Combination of education with industrial production, &c., &c.
+
+When, in the course of development, class distinctions have
+disappeared, and all production has been concentrated in the
+hands of a vast association of the whole nation, the public power
+will lose its political character.  Political power, properly so
+called, is merely the organised power of one class for oppressing
+another.  If the proletariat during its contest with the
+bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of circumstances, to
+organise itself as a class, if, by means of a revolution, it
+makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps away by force
+the old conditions of production, then it will, along with these
+conditions, have swept away the conditions for the existence of
+class antagonisms and of classes generally, and will thereby have
+abolished its own supremacy as a class.
+
+In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and
+class antagonisms, we shall have an association, in which
+the free development of each is the condition for the free
+development of all.
+
+
+
+III.  SOCIALIST AND COMMUNIST LITERATURE
+
+
+1. REACTIONARY SOCIALISM
+
+
+A. Feudal Socialism
+
+Owing to their historical position, it became the vocation of the
+aristocracies of France and England to write pamphlets against
+modern bourgeois society.  In the French revolution of July 1830,
+and in the English reform agitation, these aristocracies again
+succumbed to the hateful upstart.  Thenceforth, a serious political
+contest was altogether out of the question.  A literary battle
+alone remained possible.  But even in the domain of literature
+the old cries of the restoration period had become impossible.
+
+In order to arouse sympathy, the aristocracy were obliged to
+lose sight, apparently, of their own interests, and to formulate
+their indictment against the bourgeoisie in the interest of the
+exploited working class alone.  Thus the aristocracy took their
+revenge by singing lampoons on their new master, and whispering
+in his ears sinister prophecies of coming catastrophe.
+
+In this way arose Feudal Socialism: half lamentation, half
+lampoon; half echo of the past, half menace of the future; at
+times, by its bitter, witty and incisive criticism, striking the
+bourgeoisie to the very heart's core; but always ludicrous in
+its effect, through total incapacity to comprehend the march of
+modern history.
+
+The aristocracy, in order to rally the people to them, waved the
+proletarian alms-bag in front for a banner.  But the people, so
+often as it joined them, saw on their hindquarters the old feudal
+coats of arms, and deserted with loud and irreverent laughter.
+
+One section of the French Legitimists and "Young England"
+exhibited this spectacle.
+
+In pointing out that their mode of exploitation was different to
+that of the bourgeoisie, the feudalists forget that they
+exploited under circumstances and conditions that were quite
+different, and that are now antiquated.  In showing that, under
+their rule, the modern proletariat never existed, they forget
+that the modern bourgeoisie is the necessary offspring of their
+own form of society.
+
+For the rest, so little do they conceal the reactionary
+character of their criticism that their chief accusation against
+the bourgeoisie amounts to this, that under the bourgeois regime
+a class is being developed, which is destined to cut up root and
+branch the old order of society.
+
+What they upbraid the bourgeoisie with is not so much that it
+creates a proletariat, as that it creates a revolutionary
+proletariat.
+
+In political practice, therefore, they join in all coercive
+measures against the working class; and in ordinary life,
+despite their high falutin phrases, they stoop to pick up the
+golden apples dropped from the tree of industry, and to barter
+truth, love, and honour for traffic in wool, beetroot-sugar, and
+potato spirits.
+
+As the parson has ever gone hand in hand with the landlord,
+so has Clerical Socialism with Feudal Socialism.
+
+Nothing is easier than to give Christian asceticism a Socialist
+tinge. Has not Christianity declaimed against private property,
+against marriage, against the State? Has it not preached in the
+place of these, charity and poverty, celibacy and mortification
+of the flesh, monastic life and Mother Church? Christian
+Socialism is but the holy, water with which the priest consecrates
+the heart-burnings of the aristocrat.
+
+
+B. Petty-Bourgeois Socialism
+
+The feudal aristocracy was not the only class that was ruined by
+the bourgeoisie, not the only class whose conditions of existence
+pined and perished in the atmosphere of modern bourgeois society.
+The mediaeval burgesses and the small peasant proprietors were
+the precursors of the modern bourgeoisie.  In those countries
+which are but little developed, industrially and commercially,
+these two classes still vegetate side by side with the rising
+bourgeoisie.
+
+In countries where modern civilisation has become fully
+developed, a new class of petty bourgeois has been formed,
+fluctuating between proletariat and bourgeoisie and ever renewing
+itself as a supplementary part of bourgeois society.  The
+individual members of this class, however, are being constantly
+hurled down into the proletariat by the action of competition,
+and, as modern industry develops, they even see the moment
+approaching when they will completely disappear as an independent
+section of modern society, to be replaced, in manufactures,
+agriculture and commerce, by overlookers, bailiffs and shopmen.
+
+In countries like France, where the peasants constitute far more
+than half of the population, it was natural that writers who
+sided with the proletariat against the bourgeoisie, should use,
+in their criticism of the bourgeois regime, the standard of the
+peasant and petty bourgeois, and from the standpoint of these
+intermediate classes should take up the cudgels for the working
+class.  Thus arose petty-bourgeois Socialism.  Sismondi was the
+head of this school, not only in France but also in England.
+
+This school of Socialism dissected with great acuteness the
+contradictions in the conditions of modern production.  It laid
+bare the hypocritical apologies of economists.  It proved,
+incontrovertibly, the disastrous effects of machinery and
+division of labour; the concentration of capital and land in a
+few hands; overproduction and crises; it pointed out the
+inevitable ruin of the petty bourgeois and peasant, the misery
+of the proletariat, the anarchy in production, the crying
+inequalities in the distribution of wealth, the industrial war of
+extermination between nations, the dissolution of old moral
+bonds, of the old family relations, of the old nationalities.
+
+In its positive aims, however, this form of Socialism aspires
+either to restoring the old means of production and of exchange,
+and with them the old property relations, and the old society, or
+to cramping the modern means of production and of exchange,
+within the framework of the old property relations that have
+been, and were bound to be, exploded by those means.  In either
+case, it is both reactionary and Utopian.
+
+Its last words are: corporate guilds for manufacture,
+patriarchal relations in agriculture.
+
+Ultimately, when stubborn historical facts had dispersed all
+intoxicating effects of self-deception, this form of Socialism
+ended in a miserable fit of the blues.
+
+
+C. German, or "True," Socialism
+
+The Socialist and Communist literature of France, a literature
+that originated under the pressure of a bourgeoisie in power, and
+that was the expression of the struggle against this power, was
+introduced into Germany at a time when the bourgeoisie, in that
+country, had just begun its contest with feudal absolutism.
+
+German philosophers, would-be philosophers, and beaux esprits,
+eagerly seized on this literature, only forgetting, that when
+these writings immigrated from France into Germany, French social
+conditions had not immigrated along with them.  In contact with
+German social conditions, this French literature lost all its
+immediate practical significance, and assumed a purely literary
+aspect.  Thus, to the German philosophers of the eighteenth
+century, the demands of the first French Revolution were nothing
+more than the demands of "Practical Reason" in general, and the
+utterance of the will of the revolutionary French bourgeoisie
+signified in their eyes the law of pure Will, of Will as it was
+bound to be, of true human Will generally.
+
+The world of the German literate consisted solely in bringing
+the new French ideas into harmony with their ancient philosophical
+conscience, or rather, in annexing the French ideas without
+deserting their own philosophic point of view.
+
+This annexation took place in the same way in which a foreign
+language is appropriated, namely, by translation.
+
+It is well known how the monks wrote silly lives of Catholic
+Saints over the manuscripts on which the classical works of
+ancient heathendom had been written.  The German literate
+reversed this process with the profane French literature.  They
+wrote their philosophical nonsense beneath the French original.
+For instance, beneath the French criticism of the economic
+functions of money, they wrote "Alienation of Humanity," and
+beneath the French criticism of the bourgeois State they wrote
+"dethronement of the Category of the General," and so forth.
+
+The introduction of these philosophical phrases at the back of
+the French historical criticisms they dubbed "Philosophy of
+Action," "True Socialism," "German Science of Socialism,"
+"Philosophical Foundation of Socialism," and so on.
+
+The French Socialist and Communist literature was thus completely
+emasculated. And, since it ceased in the hands of the German to express
+the struggle of one class with the other, he felt conscious of having
+overcome "French one-sidedness" and of representing, not true
+requirements, but the requirements of truth; not the interests of the
+proletariat, but the interests of Human Nature, of Man in general, who
+belongs to no class, has no reality, who exists only in the misty realm
+of philosophical fantasy.
+
+This German Socialism, which took its schoolboy task so seriously
+and solemnly, and extolled its poor stock-in-trade in such
+mountebank fashion, meanwhile gradually lost its pedantic
+innocence.
+
+The fight of the German, and especially, of the Prussian bourgeoisie,
+against feudal aristocracy and absolute monarchy, in other words, the
+liberal movement, became more earnest.
+
+By this, the long wished-for opportunity was offered to "True"
+Socialism of confronting the political movement with the
+Socialist demands, of hurling the traditional anathemas
+against liberalism, against representative government, against
+bourgeois competition, bourgeois freedom of the press, bourgeois
+legislation, bourgeois liberty and equality, and of preaching to
+the masses that they had nothing to gain, and everything to lose,
+by this bourgeois movement.  German Socialism forgot, in the nick
+of time, that the French criticism, whose silly echo it was,
+presupposed the existence of modern bourgeois society, with its
+corresponding economic conditions of existence, and the political
+constitution adapted thereto, the very things whose attainment
+was the object of the pending struggle in Germany.
+
+To the absolute governments, with their following of parsons,
+professors, country squires and officials, it served as a welcome
+scarecrow against the threatening bourgeoisie.
+
+It was a sweet finish after the bitter pills of floggings and
+bullets with which these same governments, just at that time,
+dosed the German working-class risings.
+
+While this "True" Socialism thus served the governments as a
+weapon for fighting the German bourgeoisie, it, at the same time,
+directly represented a reactionary interest, the interest of the
+German Philistines.  In Germany the petty-bourgeois class, a
+relic of the sixteenth century, and since then constantly
+cropping up again under various forms, is the real social basis
+of the existing state of things.
+
+To preserve this class is to preserve the existing state of
+things in Germany.  The industrial and political supremacy of the
+bourgeoisie threatens it with certain destruction; on the one
+hand, from the concentration of capital; on the other, from the
+rise of a revolutionary proletariat.  "True" Socialism appeared to
+kill these two birds with one stone.  It spread like an epidemic.
+
+The robe of speculative cobwebs, embroidered with flowers
+of rhetoric, steeped in the dew of sickly sentiment, this
+transcendental robe in which the German Socialists wrapped their
+sorry "eternal truths," all skin and bone, served to wonderfully
+increase the sale of their goods amongst such a public.  And on
+its part, German Socialism recognised, more and more, its own
+calling as the bombastic representative of the petty-bourgeois
+Philistine.
+
+It proclaimed the German nation to be the model nation, and the
+German petty Philistine to be the typical man.  To every
+villainous meanness of this model man it gave a hidden, higher,
+Socialistic interpretation, the exact contrary of its real
+character.  It went to the extreme length of directly opposing
+the "brutally destructive" tendency of Communism, and of
+proclaiming its supreme and impartial contempt of all class
+struggles.  With very few exceptions, all the so-called Socialist
+and Communist publications that now (1847) circulate in Germany
+belong to the domain of this foul and enervating literature.
+
+
+2. CONSERVATIVE, OR BOURGEOIS, SOCIALISM
+
+A part of the bourgeoisie is desirous of redressing social
+grievances, in order to secure the continued existence of
+bourgeois society.
+
+To this section belong economists, philanthropists,
+humanitarians, improvers of the condition of the working class,
+organisers of charity, members of societies for the prevention of
+cruelty to animals, temperance fanatics, hole-and-corner
+reformers of every imaginable kind.  This form of Socialism has,
+moreover, been worked out into complete systems.
+
+We may cite Proudhon's Philosophie de la Misere as an example of
+this form.
+
+The Socialistic bourgeois want all the advantages of modern
+social conditions without the struggles and dangers necessarily
+resulting therefrom.  They desire the existing state of society
+minus its revolutionary and disintegrating elements.  They wish
+for a bourgeoisie without a proletariat.  The bourgeoisie
+naturally conceives the world in which it is supreme to be the
+best; and bourgeois Socialism develops this comfortable
+conception into various more or less complete systems.  In
+requiring the proletariat to carry out such a system, and thereby
+to march straightway into the social New Jerusalem, it but
+requires in reality, that the proletariat should remain within
+the bounds of existing society, but should cast away all its
+hateful ideas concerning the bourgeoisie.
+
+A second and more practical, but less systematic, form of this
+Socialism sought to depreciate every revolutionary movement in
+the eyes of the working class, by showing that no mere political
+reform, but only a change in the material conditions of
+existence, in economic relations, could be of any advantage to
+them.  By changes in the material conditions of existence, this
+form of Socialism, however, by no means understands abolition of
+the bourgeois relations of production, an abolition that can be
+effected only by a revolution, but administrative reforms, based
+on the continued existence of these relations; reforms,
+therefore, that in no respect affect the relations between
+capital and labour, but, at the best, lessen the cost, and
+simplify the administrative work, of bourgeois government.
+
+Bourgeois Socialism attains adequate expression, when, and only
+when, it becomes a mere figure of speech.
+
+Free trade: for the benefit of the working class.  Protective
+duties: for the benefit of the working class.  Prison Reform: for
+the benefit of the working class.  This is the last word and the
+only seriously meant word of bourgeois Socialism.
+
+It is summed up in the phrase: the bourgeois is a bourgeois--for
+the benefit of the working class.
+
+
+3.  CRITICAL-UTOPIAN SOCIALISM AND COMMUNISM
+
+We do not here refer to that literature which, in every great
+modern revolution, has always given voice to the demands of the
+proletariat, such as the writings of Babeuf and others.
+
+The first direct attempts of the proletariat to attain its own
+ends, made in times of universal excitement, when feudal society
+was being overthrown, these attempts necessarily failed, owing
+to the then undeveloped state of the proletariat, as well as to
+the absence of the economic conditions for its emancipation,
+conditions that had yet to be produced, and could be produced
+by the impending bourgeois epoch alone. The revolutionary
+literature that accompanied these first movements of the
+proletariat had necessarily a reactionary character. It
+inculcated universal asceticism and social levelling in its
+crudest form.
+
+The Socialist and Communist systems properly so called, those of
+Saint-Simon, Fourier, Owen and others, spring into existence in
+the early undeveloped period, described above, of the struggle
+between proletariat and bourgeoisie (see Section 1. Bourgeois
+and Proletarians).
+
+The founders of these systems see, indeed, the class antagonisms, as
+well as the action of the decomposing elements, in the prevailing form
+of society. But the proletariat, as yet in its infancy, offers to them
+the spectacle of a class without any historical initiative or any
+independent political movement.
+
+Since the development of class antagonism keeps even pace with
+the development of industry, the economic situation, as they find
+it, does not as yet offer to them the material conditions for the
+emancipation of the proletariat.  They therefore search after a
+new social science, after new social laws, that are to create
+these conditions.
+
+Historical action is to yield to their personal inventive
+action, historically created conditions of emancipation to
+fantastic ones, and the gradual, spontaneous class-organisation
+of the proletariat to the organisation of society specially
+contrived by these inventors.  Future history resolves itself, in
+their eyes, into the propaganda and the practical carrying out of
+their social plans.
+
+In the formation of their plans they are conscious of caring
+chiefly for the interests of the working class, as being the most
+suffering class.  Only from the point of view of being the most
+suffering class does the proletariat exist for them.
+
+The undeveloped state of the class struggle, as well as their
+own surroundings, causes Socialists of this kind to consider
+themselves far superior to all class antagonisms.  They want to
+improve the condition of every member of society, even that of
+the most favoured.  Hence, they habitually appeal to society at
+large, without  distinction of class; nay, by preference, to the
+ruling class.  For how can people, when once they understand
+their system, fail to see in it the best possible plan of the
+best possible state of society?
+
+Hence, they reject all political, and especially all
+revolutionary, action; they wish to attain their ends by
+peaceful means, and endeavour, by small experiments, necessarily
+doomed to failure, and by the force of example, to pave the way
+for the new social Gospel.
+
+Such fantastic pictures of future society, painted at a time
+when the proletariat is still in a very undeveloped state and has
+but a fantastic conception of its own position correspond with
+the first instinctive yearnings of that class for a general
+reconstruction of society.
+
+But these Socialist and Communist publications contain also a
+critical element. They attack every principle of existing society.
+Hence they are full of the most valuable materials for the
+enlightenment of the working class. The practical measures
+proposed in them--such as the abolition of the distinction
+between town and country, of the family, of the carrying on of
+industries for the account of private individuals, and of the wage
+system, the proclamation of social harmony, the conversion of the
+functions of the State into a mere superintendence of production,
+all these proposals, point solely to the disappearance of class
+antagonisms which were, at that time, only just cropping up, and
+which, in these publications, are recognised in their earliest,
+indistinct and undefined forms only. These proposals, therefore,
+are of a purely Utopian character.
+
+The significance of Critical-Utopian Socialism and Communism
+bears an inverse relation to historical development.  In
+proportion as the modern class struggle develops and takes
+definite shape, this fantastic standing apart from the contest,
+these fantastic attacks on it, lose all practical value and all
+theoretical justification.  Therefore, although the originators
+of these systems were, in many respects, revolutionary, their
+disciples have, in every case, formed mere reactionary sects.
+They hold fast by the original views of their masters, in
+opposition to the progressive historical development of the
+proletariat.  They, therefore, endeavour, and that consistently,
+to deaden the class struggle and to reconcile the class antagonisms.
+They still dream of experimental realisation of their social
+Utopias, of founding isolated "phalansteres," of establishing
+"Home Colonies,"  of setting up a "Little Icaria"--duodecimo
+editions of the New Jerusalem--and to realise all these castles
+in the air, they are compelled to appeal to the feelings and
+purses of the bourgeois.  By degrees they sink into the category
+of the reactionary conservative Socialists depicted above,
+differing from these only by more systematic pedantry, and
+by their fanatical and superstitious belief in the miraculous
+effects of their social science.
+
+They, therefore, violently oppose all political action on the
+part of the working class; such action, according to them, can
+only result from blind unbelief in the new Gospel.
+
+The Owenites in England, and the Fourierists in France,
+respectively, oppose the Chartists and the Reformistes.
+
+
+
+IV.  POSITION OF THE COMMUNISTS IN RELATION TO THE
+VARIOUS EXISTING OPPOSITION PARTIES
+
+Section II has made clear the relations of the Communists to the
+existing working-class parties, such as the Chartists in England
+and the Agrarian Reformers in America.
+
+The Communists fight for the attainment of the immediate aims,
+for the enforcement of the momentary interests of the working
+class; but in the movement of the present, they also represent
+and take care of the future of that movement.  In France the
+Communists ally themselves with the Social-Democrats, against the
+conservative and radical bourgeoisie, reserving, however, the
+right to take up a critical position in regard to phrases and
+illusions traditionally handed down from the great Revolution.
+
+In Switzerland they support the Radicals, without losing sight
+of the fact that this party consists of antagonistic elements,
+partly of Democratic Socialists, in the French sense, partly of
+radical bourgeois.
+
+In Poland they support the party that insists on an agrarian
+revolution as the prime condition for national emancipation, that
+party which fomented the insurrection of Cracow in 1846.
+
+In Germany they fight with the bourgeoisie whenever it acts in a
+revolutionary way, against the absolute monarchy, the feudal
+squirearchy, and the petty bourgeoisie.
+
+But they never cease, for a single instant, to instil into the
+working class the clearest possible recognition of the hostile
+antagonism between bourgeoisie and proletariat, in order that the
+German workers may straightaway use, as so many weapons against
+the bourgeoisie, the social and political conditions that the
+bourgeoisie must necessarily introduce along with its supremacy,
+and in order that, after the fall of the reactionary classes in
+Germany, the fight against the bourgeoisie itself may immediately
+begin.
+
+The Communists turn their attention chiefly to Germany, because
+that country is on the eve of a bourgeois revolution that
+is bound to be carried out under more advanced conditions
+of European civilisation, and with a much more developed
+proletariat, than that of England was in the seventeenth, and of
+France in the eighteenth century, and because the bourgeois
+revolution in Germany will be but the prelude to an immediately
+following proletarian revolution.
+
+In short, the Communists everywhere support every revolutionary
+movement against the existing social and political order of
+things.
+
+In all these movements they bring to the front, as the leading
+question in each, the property question, no matter what its
+degree of development at the time.
+
+Finally, they labour everywhere for the union and agreement of
+the democratic parties of all countries.
+
+The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims.
+They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by
+the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions.
+Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolution.
+The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains.
+They have a world to win.
+
+
+           WORKING MEN OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE!
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Communist Manifesto
+by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels
+
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