cul-fedora 0.3.0 → 0.5.0

data/VERSION

@@ -1 +1 @@
-0.3.0
+0.5.0

data/cul-fedora.gemspec

@@ -5,11 +5,11 @@
 
 Gem::Specification.new do |s|
   s.name = %q{cul-fedora}
-  s.version = "0.3.0"
+  s.version = "0.5.0"
 
   s.required_rubygems_version = Gem::Requirement.new(">= 0") if s.respond_to? :required_rubygems_version=
   s.authors = ["James Stuart"]
-  s.date = %q{2010-09-27}
+  s.date = %q{2010-10-11}
   s.description = %q{Columbia-specific Fedora libraries}
   s.email = %q{tastyhat@jamesstuart.org}
   s.extra_rdoc_files = [
@@ -28,6 +28,8 @@ Gem::Specification.new do |s|
      "lib/cul-fedora/item.rb",
      "lib/cul-fedora/server.rb",
      "lib/cul-fedora/solr.rb",
+     "lib/test",
+     "lib/tika/scratch/1286482364_820891",
      "test/data/125467_get_index.xml",
      "test/data/125467_solr_doc.xml",
      "test/data/example_server_requests.yml",

data/lib/cul-fedora/item.rb

@@ -36,13 +36,20 @@ module Cul
       end
 
 
-      def listMembers
+      def risearch_for_members()
         results = JSON::parse(@server.request(:method => "", :request => "risearch", :format => "json", :lang => "itql", :query => sprintf(@server.riquery, @pid)))["results"]
         
         results.collect { |r| @server.item(r["member"]) }
 
       end
 
+      def listMembers()
+        result = Nokogiri::XML(request(:sdef => "ldpd:sdef.Aggregator", :request => "listMembers", :format => "", :max => "", :start => ""))
+
+        result.css("sparql>results>result>member").collect do |result_node|
+          @server.item(result_node.attributes["uri"].value)
+        end
+      end
 
       def describedBy
         begin
@@ -175,9 +182,21 @@ module Cul
 
 
         
-
         listMembers.each_with_index do |member, i|
-          add_field.call("ac.fulltext_#{i}", "")
+          tika_directory = File.expand_path(File.join(File.expand_path(File.dirname(__FILE__)), "..", "tika"))
+
+          resource_file_name = File.join(tika_directory, "scratch", Time.now.to_i.to_s + "_" + rand(10000000).to_s)
+          tika_jar = File.join(tika_directory, "tika-0.3.jar")
+
+          File.open(resource_file_name, "w") { |f| f.puts(member.datastream("CONTENT")) }
+
+          
+          tika_result = %x[java -jar #{tika_jar} -t #{resource_file_name}]
+          
+
+          add_field.call("ac.fulltext_#{i}", tika_result)
+       
+          # File.delete(resource_file_name)
         end
 
         return results

data/lib/test

@@ -0,0 +1,1031 @@
+              D A V I D  F R E E D B E R G  
+
+A Source for Rubens's Modello of the Assumption and 
+
+Coronation of the Virgin: a Case Study in the 
+
+Response to Images* 
+
+   O N E  of the standard art-historical exercises is the search for 
+the pictorial sources of individual works of art. The purpose 
+of this article is to suggest that this exercise need not con- 
+stitute an end in itself, as it usually does, but that it can 
+yield valuable information about the status of an image in a 
+given social context and about the response it evokes. 
+Rubens's modello of The Assumption and Coronation of the Virgin 
+in Leningrad1 (Fig.2) raises a number of iconographic 
+problems; these in turn are largely resolved by the dis- 
+ covery of an important pictorial source for the work. That  
+source and its relation to the work by Rubens may be used 
+as an illustration of some of the ways in which it is possible to 
+determine the associations which the seventeenth-century 
+ beholder made when looking at works of art - even when 
+they were not actually recorded by the beholder himself. 
+While it can never be possible to recover the full range of 
+ such associations - because many would have been too 
+ personal and idiosyncratic - the art historian may regard 
+ it as his province to reveal at  least some. 
+The Leningrad modello has been shown beyond reasonable 
+doubt to have been one of the two projects which Rubens 
+presented to the Cathedral Chapter on nnnd April 161I for 
+  the High Altar of Antwerp Cathedral.2 I t  is also likely that 
+the painting of The Assumption of the Virgin in Vienna3 
+(Fig.g), which reproduces the bottom half of the Leningrad 
+composition, and which comes from the Lady Chapel of the 
+Jesuit Church in Antwerp, was originally intended for the 
+High Altar of the Cathedral.4 
+* I am indebted to Michael Hirst for a number of pertinent observations on 
+several of the issues raised here, and to Elizabeth McGrath for a critical read- 
+ing of a late draft of the text. The Central Research Fund of the University of 
+London made a grant towards the costs of research. The same source as the one 
+discussed here was noted by T. L. GLEN:Rubens and the Counter Reformation. 
+ Studies in His  Religious Paintings between 1609 and 1620, New York [1977; 
+originally presented as the author's thesis, Princeton University, 19751, p.151, 
+which appeared after this article was written. But the purpose of the present 
+discussion is not simply to identify a source for Rubens's composition; it is to 
+examine some of the implications of this kind of relationship. 
+Oil on panel transferred to canvas, 106 by 78 cm.; Leningrad, Hermitage, 
+Inv. No. I 703. M. VARSHAVSKAYA: Rubens Paintings in the Hermitage Museum, 
+    Leningrad [1g75], pp.63-68, No.3 (in Russian); M. ROOSES: L'Oeuvre de P .  P .  
+Rubens, histoire et description de ses tableaux et dessins, 11, Antwerp [1888], pp.189- 
+go, No.364. 
+ Z ~ BAUDOUIN: and Altarpieces before 1620', in J. R. MARTIN,ed.:. 'Altars 
+Rubens before 1620,Princeton [197r], pp.64-72; and especially c. VAN DE 
+VELDE: 'Rubens Hemelvaart van Maria in de Kathedraal te Antwerpen', 
+Jaarboek Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten Antwerpen [1g75], pp.245-59, 
+with full documentation. 
+Oil on Panel, 458 by 297 cm.; Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Inv. 
+No.518.
+-
+Well argued by BAUDOUIN, op. tit., pp.68-70, and VAN DE VELDE, op. cit. 
+pp.253-56. The matter will be fully discussed in my forthcoming volume in 
+the Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard (Vol.VI1). 
+Apart from its pictorial brilliance, what is striking about 
+the modello is its iconographic originality. As in all his later 
+representations of the Assumption, Rubens has here combined 
+the group of apostles surrounding the Madonna's tomb with 
+a number of female figures. While these women are not 
+usually shown to be present at the actual scene of the 
+Assumption, nor are described thus in any of the textual 
+sources,j their inclusion may be explained by the fact that 
+they were said to have been present at the funeral of the 
+Virgin, after having washed and shrouded her body.6 The 
+rolling away of the stone cover of the sepulchre (here in- 
+scribed MARIA) is also unusual, and so is the absence -
+ or relative lack of prominence - of the sarcophagus in which 
+she was laid to rest. But what is most unusual in the modello 
+  is the upper half of the composition. I t  is true that the angels 
+(and their variety) are emphasized in all the accounts and 
+commentaries,' and the fact that the Virgin is on Christ's 
+right depends on the reading from the forty-fourth psalm 
+              in the liturgy for the Feast of the A s s u m p t i o n . ~ u t  what 
+exactly is the scene? Is it an Assumption of the Virgin, a Corona- 
+tion, or both? We know that in all Rubens's later Assumptions 
+the Virgin ascends heavenwards towards a sculpted figure of 
+          Christ, God, or the Trinity placed outside the ~ a i n t i n g . ~  
+But here she kneels at the feet of Christ. If the scene is a 
+Coronation, then it issurprising to find thevirgin being crowned 
+ by Christ alone - for ever since the beginning of the fifteenth 
+century, the standard Netherlandish Coronation was effected 
+These are usefully gathered together in J. FOURNEE: 'Himmelfahrt Mariens', 
+ Lexikon der Christlichen Ikonographie, I1 [I  9701, ~01s. 2 76-77. 
+As, for example, in the Golden Legend. The most easily available modern 
+edition is the French one published by Garnier-Flammarion: J. DE VORAGINE: 
+La Ligende Doric, transl. J.-B. M. ROZE, Paris [1967]. For the three holy women 
+see p.89; and E. STAEDEL: Ikonographie der HimmeEfahrt Mariens, Strasbourg [1g35], 
+pp.200-03. 
+Golden Legend, ed. cit., pp.90, 94, 101 (Cherubim and Seraphim); cf. also 
+notes 36 and 38 below. 
+'Propter ueritatm, et mansuetudinem, et iustitiam, et deducet te mirabiliter dextera tua'. 
+ps. 44 (45): 4. 
+Cf. ROOSES, op. cit., 11, No.356, pp.168-69 (Vienna); No.358, ,pp.170-72 
+ (Diisseldorf) ;No.359, pp. I 73-80 (Antwerp) ; the circumstantial evldence that 
+    this also applies to the paintings in Brussels ( K l .  d. K [1921], p.120), Augsburg 
+(Ibid., p.300) and Liechtenstein (Ibid., p.352) is considerable. At this point it 
+should be added that the adoption of the lower half of the Leningrad modello 
+and the rejection of the upper half for the painting first intended for the High 
+Altar (i.e. the picture in Vienna) may have been due to the unusual nature of 
+the iconography discussed here, but it may also have been as a result of a 
+decision by the Cathedral Chapter to have a scubted figure or group crowning 
+the Virgin, as in all the later works listed above. 
+
+                                                               A S O U R C E  F O R  R U B E N S ' S  M O D E L L O  O F  T H E  A S S U M P T I O N  A N D  C O R O N A T I O N  O F  T H E  V I R G I N  
+by the whole Trinity.lo What, then, is the particular incono- 
+graphic moment that Rubens has chosen to depict, and on 
+what could he have based his representation ? Suchquestions 
+may be regarded as splitting hairs about the meaning of a 
+scene which is, after all, not very difficult to interpret. 
+Rubens presumably knew Ludovico Carracci's altar-piece 
+of 1601 in Corpus Domini in Bologna, which also shows the 
+reception of the Virgin into heaven accompanied by music- 
+making angels, as well as several other elements used by 
+Rubens in his later assumption^.^^ But a specific answer is 
+provided by the penultimate plate (Fig.6) in Jerome 
+Nadal's Adnotationes et Meditationes in Evangelia, of which the 
+illustrated section is entitled Evangelicae Historiae Imagines.12 
+Hieronymus Wierix's engraving (after Bernardo Passeri13), 
+provides not only the source of Rubens's composition, but 
+also the key to the precise theme it represents. As the 
+engraving by Wierix occurs in the sequence of four plates 
+(Nos.150-53) devoted to the various stages in the Death, 
+Burial, Assumption and Coronation of the Virgin, it also 
+clarifies the position of this particular moment in the 
+sequence.14 It is the third in the series, and is entitled 
+Suscitatur Virgo Muter a Filio, while it is only the following 
+plate which combines the scenes of the actual Assumption 
+and Coronation (Fig.5). The textual discussion of this plate 
+(as well as the caption on the plate itself) refers to the event 
+10 Cf. F. BAUDOUIN: 'De Kroning van Maria door de Heilige Drieeenheid in de 
+15de eeuwse schilderkunst der Nederlanden', Bulletin, Mushes Royaux des Beaux- 
+Arts de Belgique, VIII [1g5g], pp.179-230, with both literary and pictorial 
+examples. The same applies to Rubens's paintings of the Coronation itself in 
+  Brussels and formerly in Berlin, Kl. d. K .  [1921], pp.270 and 341 respectively. 
+  1 1  For the painting by Carracci, see H. BODMER: Lodouico Carracci, Burg-bei-
+Magdeburg [1g3g], P1.46; cf. E. STAEDEL: op. cit., pp.181-84 and w. PROHASKA, 
+in [Exhibition Catalogue], Peter Paul Rubem 1577-1640, Ausstellung zur goo. 
+Wiederkehr seines Geburtstaps, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna [1g77], 
+pp.71-72 for a brief discussion of further aspects of the iconographic originality 
+and significance of Rubens's treatment of this subject. 
+l2 These plates were first published separately in 1593, but the editio princeps of 
+the work as a whole was HIERONYMUS NATALIS:Adnotationes et meditationes in 
+Evangelia quae in sacrosancto missae sacriJcio toto anno leguntur, cum evangeliorum 
+concordantia historiae integritati suficienti. Accessit & Index historiam ipsam Evangeli- 
+  cam in ordinem temporis Vitae Christi distribuens, M .  Nutius, Antwerp [I 5951, Fol. ;but 
+a later edition, published by the Plantin press in 1607, will be referred to here -
+not only because it is chronologically closer to the work by Rubens, but also 
+because it is a revised and corrected version (Editio ultima, in qua Sacer Textus ad 
+emendationem Bibliorum Szxti V et Clementis VZZI restitutus) with an additional 
+preface to be discussed here. For the various editions (and on Nadal himself), 
+see the basic work by M. NICOLAU: Jerdnimo Nadal, S.I. (1507-1580)~sus obrasy 
+    doctrinas espirituales, Madrid [ I  9491, pp. 1 14-3 I ,  where information about the 
+genesis and posthumous publication of the book may also be found. See now, 
+for a recent assessment of its significance, T.BUSER: 'Jerome Nadal and Early 
+Jesuit Art in Rome', The Art Bulletin, LVIII [1g76], pp.424-25, with still 
+further bibliographical material. 
+l3 The size of each plate is 230 by 145 mm. Almost all the plates in book were by 
+Wierix after drawings by Bernardo Passeri, 126 of which are at Windsor Castle 
+(L. VAN PUYVELDE: The Flemish Drawings at Windsor, London [1g42], No.196. 
+For the participation of Marten de Vos in this project, see L. VAN PUYVELDE: 
+'Bernardo Passeri, Marten de Vos and Hieronymus Wierix', in Scritti di storia 
+dell'arte in onore di Lionello Venturi, 11, Rome [1g56], pp,5g-64; but see also 
+ALFONSO RODRIGUEZG. DE CEBALLOS: 'Las "Imiigenes de la Historia Evangtlica" 
+       del P. Jer6nimo Nadal en el marco del jesuitism0 y la contrariforma', T r a z a y  
+Baza [19741, 84-85. 
+l4 A not altogether dissimilar division into the different stages of scenes usually 
+conflated may be found in the plates devoted to the Entsy into Jerusalem (P1.85-
+87), the Carrying of the Cross (P1.124-26, and even the Three Maries at the 
+Sepulchre (P1.136-37). All of these may naturally be used to determine the 
+precise iconographic moment of other representations of these subjects, as in 
+the case of the subject painted by Rubens under discussion here. 
+as the reception of the Virgin into heaven by her Son.15 
+I do not want to suggest that Rubens himself wished 
+to distinguish consciously between the various stages in the 
+sequence of events leading up to the Coronation of the Virgin 
+in the way that Nadal did, nor that he intended his painting 
+  to be given the same title as Hieronymus Wierix's print. I t  
+is likely that he did not, and he may simply have used the 
+print because it seemed a pictorial invention which suited 
+the iconographic terms of his commission. But there can be 
+no doubt of Rubens's indebtedness to it, for the puzzling top 
+half of his composition at any rate (despite some differences, 
+the bottom half comes closer to traditional forms). Not only 
+is the Virgin placed on a lower level on Christ's right (as 
+required by the text cited above) in almost identical poses 
+and the same relation to each other, but the arrangement of 
+ clouds and angels is strikingly similar. On  the lower bank of 
+clouds are the younger putto-like angels (represented by 
+heads only in the print), while the older ones are arranged 
+on clouds which extend diagonally to the topmost corners 
+of the print, exactly as in the work by Rubens. Admittedly, 
+they do not play musical instruments in the engraving, but 
+their music-making activity is insisted upon a number of 
+times by both the annotations and the explanatory text.16 
+  I t  should perhaps be noted that Wierix's print presents the 
+Virgin's sepulchre as securely closed (in contrast to Rubens, 
+who shows the rolling away of the stone), and she stands on 
+the crescent.17 But for the rest the similarities are very close.18 
+ In  itself the relationship between Rubens's modello and 
+ the Wierix print is not an  especially significant discovery; 
+but the immediate context of the print has wide-ranging 
+ implications, especially in terms of the issues raised at  the 
+beginning of this discussion. 
+Nadal's book, written at the instigation of St Ignatius 
+ himself,19 may at  first sight seem to be only one of the many 
+aids to meditation which were published in the wake of the 
+Spiritual Exer~ises.~~ (as Buser has recentlyBut Thomas 
+l5 NATALIS, p.586: Excipit illam Filius Deus laetitia ineffabili, & immensa gratula- 
+tione (more briefly on the plate as Excipit eam Christus gratulatione summa). 
+ l6 See below, p.435. These angels are repeated - almost as if this modello were a 
+ preliminary study - in the panels of the Music-making Angels in Liechtenstein 
+      ( K l .  d. K .  [1g21], p.66.) 
+  l 7  A reference to the Virgin as the Apocalyptic Woman, 'Mulier amicta sole. et 
+  luna sub pedibus eius et in capite eius corona stellarum duodecim' (Apoc. I 2 : I  ) . 
+l8 Although the holy women -whose presence is explicable on the iconographic 
+ grounds referred to in note 6 above - are absent in the engraving, it should be 
+noted that they are present in the two preceding scenes of the Death and Burial, 
+ (Pl. I 50--51). In the light of their presence there, Rubens may have felt there 
+ was no reason to omit them at the very following event - apart from the 
+aesthetic grounds he may have had for their inclusion. 
+lB The opening sentence of the first preface (unpaginated) to the book makes 
+this clear: 'Dixerat aliquando, Beatissime Pater, Hieronymo Natali, uni ex suis 
+alumnis, Parens nostrae Societatis Ignatius, operae pretium facturum eum, qui ad 
+perpetuam atque paratam Religiosis eiusdem Societatis scholaribus meditandi, orandique 
+materiam atque segetem, Evangelia Quadragesima tota, Dominicisque per annum diebus 
+inter sacriJcandum recitari comueta, methodo quam brevissima certos ad locos, seu 
+capita meditantium utitlitati accomodata redigeret; neque id solum, sed etiam appositis 
+imaginibus & Adnotationibus illustraret'. A short introductory work on the rela- 
+     tionship between Nadal and St Ignatius is J. ~ U R E D AI BLANES: Sant Zgnasi i 
+Sferonimo Nadal, Barcelona [1967], but fuller details will be found in the book by 
+NICOLAU cited in note 12 above.
+"NICOLAU, op. cit., pp.166-70, as well as the same author's 'Un autor des- 
+conocido en la historia de la meditaci6n: Jer6nimo Nadal', Revista espaiiola de 
+Teologia, I1 [1g42], pp.101-59; for some of Nadal's own early views on medi- 
+tation, see his twentieth Coimbran sermon, published by M. NICOLAU, ed.: 
+Pla'ticas Espirituales del P. Jer6nimo Nadal, S.Z., en Coimbra (r56r), GranadMgq51 
+(Biblioteca Teologica Granadina, Series I, NO.^), pp. 195-201. 
+
+                                                               A S O U R C E  F O R  R U B E N S ' S  M O D E L L O  O F  T H E  A S S U M P T I O N  A N D  C O R O N A T I O N  O F  T H E  V I R G I N  
+stressed21) the significance of this popular work lay in the 
+emphasis placed on the illustrations and on their r61e in the 
+meditative process. These illustrations, of which there are 
+153 grouped together at the end of the text, were each pro- 
+vided with a sequence of letters (usually between four and 
+six) placed close to the chief incidents or elements in the 
+composition. The captions below each print in turn provided 
+a short explanation of these letters. But the real importance 
+for the reader of this system of annotation only becomes 
+apparent when one consults the text. This is divided into 
+chapters (arranged according to the gospel readings of the 
+entire year) bearing the same titles as the illustrations. 
+Each chapter (conceived as a meditatio) contains, in the 
+first place, a short adnotatiuncula corresponding to the caption 
+beneath the relevant print. There then follows a much longer 
+adnotatio which, although it is still arranged according to the 
+letters on the print, contains an expanded meditation on 
+each of the elements therein, as well as on the print as a 
+whole. 
+How, then, was the book intended to be used? What was 
+  the r61e assigned to the illustrations? I t  is worth asking 
+these questions, not only because this system of annotation 
+was adopted, whether in a modified form or not, in a whole 
+series of some of the most popular devotional works in the 
+Netherlandsz2 but also because it provides an insight into 
+an important aspect of the function of images in the late 
+sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Fortunately, an 
+almost complete answer to these questions may be found in 
+the two prefaces (or the foreword and the preface) to the 
+ text. The first, to Clement VIII  and signed by Jacobus 
+Ximenes (Diego JimCnez), makes it clear that the work was 
+originally intended for members and novices of the Jesuit 
+order, with the illustrations to be used as an aid to medita- 
+      t i ~ n . ~ ~What is significant, however, is the concern displayed 
+for the quality of the illustrations : deliberate care was taken 
+that they should not be engraved by an unattractive hand, 
+and cause boredom by the very multitude of images. They 
+were to be as skilled, elegant and attractive as possible, and 
+by the best possible artists, in order to encourage assiduous 
+ meditation.24 To  achieve the required quality, great ex-
+pense was involved, and a number of difficulties encountered 
+in the process, but these were finally overcome.26 Here is a 
+clear statement of the validity and purposes of art in a re- 
+ ligious context, in an age when - certainly from a Protestant 
+8' BUSER, op. cit., esp. pp.81-83. op. cit., p.425; see also CEBALLOS, 
+
+    88 See below, p . 4 0  and note 76 for several examples. 
+
+See the opening sentence of the preface quoted in note rg above. 
+
+   8' ' R e  autem ipsarum imaginum multitude satietatem cuipiam pareret, unde suo Jinc, 
+  spiritunli scilicet animarum fructu, opus $sum fwtraretur si in u s  incideretur parum 
+eleganti manu; sed potius ut opficii elegantia ac pulchritude, simul cum -.ma ipsius 
+argumenti sanctitate atquc excelientia, operisqu picfate coniuncta, ornncs ad illud 
+euoluendum, adn'dunqu meditatione invitaret, necessariwn omnino fuit, ut excellmtissimi 
+ quiqw artifices ofwi  tam eximio, quod ipsius Evangelii nova ac pent spirans imago est, 
+adhiberenfur', NATALIS,op. cit., preface to Clement VIII, n.p. One may here be 
+inclined to draw a parallel with the Horatian dictum 'Omnc tulit punctum qui 
+ miscuit utile dulci, Lctorem dehctando pariter monendo' (Ars  Poetica, 11. 343-44) SO 
+frequently taken up in the art theory of the Cinquecento. 
+  as ' Id  quod sine magnis dzfficultatibus, maxima impensa perfici non potuit. Omnes iamn 
+dtfficultates supcraku, omnia impedimenta, Chrirto propitio, tuiisque auspiciis, Beatissimc 
+    Pater, sublata m t ;  opus dmique ipsum ad pietatem, €9 devotionem cxcitandam max im 
+     accomodatum, tuo t a n a h  temporc in uulgus prodit; . . .',NATALIS,op. cit., Preface to 
+Clement VIII, n.p. 
+ point of view and usually from a Catholic - pictorial imagery 
+was consistently underplayed in favour of a renewed em-
+phasis on words, or specific texts.26 What is important here, 
+and without which this work would be unthinkable, are the 
+illustrations. They are to be the very basis of the meditative 
+ process - and one is dealing here with real images, not the 
+  mental images of Loyola's Spiritual Exercises. I t  is an aware- 
+ness of the fact that art preceded the calling up of mental 
+images. 
+The second preface (to the reader; present in the edition 
+of 1607 but absent in the earlier ones) makes it clear that the 
+work had now been adapted for wider circulation.27 And 
+because further guidelines might be needed on how to 
+meditate on each image (and on what, therefore, to think), 
+the decision was taken to include an adnotatio not only 
+below each picture but also an expanded one in the body of 
+each chapter, along with the appropriate section from the 
+  Gospel.28 I t  is precisely these adnotationes which enable the 
+art historian to gain some idea of how the seventeenth 
+century 'read' these images; and with the Life of Christ 
+divided into 153 different scenes one is thus provided with an 
+insight into how almost every religious representation within 
+this cycle would have affected the beholder, and what sorts 
+of associations were open to him.2s 
+ In  the case of the image to which Rubens was indebted in 
+the Leningrad modello, the print headed Suscitatur Virgo 
+Muter a Filio (Fig.6) is, as we have noted, the third of four 
+scenes dealing with the Virgin. We need not here deal with 
+the first two, illustrating the death and burial of the Virgin, 
+but it should be noted that all four scenes are dealt with in the 
+final and longest section of the text, subsumed under the 
+general heading of The Assumption of the Virgin. Fifty-three 
+closely printed folio pages of double column text deal with 
+this subject as a wh0le.3~ But to return to the adnotatio to 
+     the particular print under d i scu~s ion .~~  Here the explanatory 
+caption of the print (and the identical adnotatiuncula in the 
+text) is expanded by the addition of words and whole 
+phrases, which not only enlarge the description of the various 
+elements in the scene, and call into play a range of purely 
+theological associations, but are also sensual and emotive. 
+Discussed in D. FREEDBERG:'The Problem of Images in Northern Europe 
+ and its Repercussions in the Netherlands', Hafnia - Copenhagen Papers in the 
+History of Art [1g76], pp.25-45. 
+87 'Cur denique in Adnotationibus, ac frequcntius etiam in meditationibus, sermonem ad 
+religiosi status homines convertat, haec maxima causa est, quod eius primum consilium 
+non fuit ut opus hoc in vulgus ederetur; sed ut religiosis tantum Societatis nostrae, 
+iunioribuspraecipe scholaribus, inserviret', NATALIS,op. cit., Preface to the Reader, 
+n.p. 
+as 'Verum cum ei suggeretur, non tamen omnes uque esse idoneos ad id prestandurn, nec 
+ fore inutile vel max im exercitatis has Meditationes legere; adductus est tandem, ut ear 
+Adnotationibus inseri paterefur. Fuit aufem operae pretium Adnofationum capita non 
+solum sub ipsis imaginibus collocare, verum etiam in Adnotationum volumine ea suis 
+Evangelicis lectionibus praejgere, ut qui imagines nancisci non possent (an interesting 
+reflection on the circulation of this work), his illas brevi compendia summaria ipsn 
+refcwent, simulquc meditantium commoditati & memoriae insemirent', Zbid. 
+But see the proviso regarding psychological associations at the conclusion of 
+the first paragraph here, as well as those engendered by the aesthetic aspects 
+of the work of art on p.441 below. I am aware that much of what follows could 
+be found in any number of texts, ranging from patristic sources through 
+medieval devotional practices to seventeenth-century meditational handbooks. 
+But we are here concerned specifically with an audience such as Rubens might 
+ have had - even though they might, either consciously or unconsciously, have 
+been acquainted with related manifestations of the same tradition. 
+NATALIS,op. cit., pp.583-636. 
+
+Zbid., p.586. 
+
+
+                                                               A S O U R C E  F O R  R U B E N S ' S  M O D E L L O  O F  T H E  A S S U M P T I O N  A N D  C O R O N A T I O N  O F  T H E  V I R G I N  
+The adnotatio is deliberately calculated to help the reader 
+realize the emotional qualities which the image is likely (or 
+supposed) to arouse. This may be achieved quite simply, as 
+in the case of the annotation to the sepulchre of the Virgin 
+(marked B on the print), where the simple caption 'Christ 
+rouses his Mother from the closed tomb and heaps the 
+greatest gifts upon her body and becomes 'He 
+(re)joins the soul of his Mother with her body, and both body 
+and soul are filled with the most excellent honours and gifts; 
+and straightway he brings his Mother forth from the closed 
+tomb'.33 The piling up of synonyms (which may of course be 
+found in other devotional treatises, especially Jesuit ones) 
+and the addition of evocative words (here simply 'straight- 
+way') are intended to stir the emotions of the beholder and 
+are carried to a greater pitch in the annotations which 
+follow. When one looks upon the Virgin (here marked by the 
+letter C) one sees her 'coming forth with the most radiant 
+garment of immortality, adorned with glory, surrounded by 
+a variety of honours and gifts, golden and blessed . . .'34 
+'The Son welcomes his Mother [D on the print between the 
+two figures, indicating the act of welcoming] with ineffable 
+happiness and immense joy'.35 When one's eyes turn to the 
+hosts of angels (E),one observes that 'they and all the other 
+blessed spirits pay homage and do reverence to her, the 
+Queen and Mistress of heaven and all the earth, the Mother 
+of omnipotent God'.36 While Rubens has omitted the 
+crescent on which the Virgin stands, his portrayal of the 
+upper half of the scene seems to follow these descriptions 
+almost exactly: not only is the Virgin surrounded by an 
+effulgence the quality of which it is impossible to imagine 
+any other artist in the Netherlands attaining, it is almost as 
+if he has tried to evoke the same psychological relations 
+described by Nadal. But it is always difficult to describe the 
+pictorialization of emotional moment^,^' and it may be 
+that our perceptions of these have only been made possible 
+by the verbal ones in the text. In any event it is the latter 
+which has provided some clues as to how a seventeenth-
+century beholder might have responded to the picture. 
+  I t  is worth proceeding to the next section in Nadal's 
+book, to the adnotatio for the last plate in the book, repre- 
+senting the Assumption and Coronation of the Virgin (Fig.5), 
+not only because it helps to explain a puzzling iconographic 
+feature of the lower half of Rubens's work, but also because 
+it casts light on all of his later Assumptions. 
+We may note in passing the description of the angels (B) 
+in this print, which is similar to the preceding description, 
+but still further expanded. 'An escort of angels of all ranks 
+encircles her, along with other sacred spirits, rejoicing and 
+making music. With this most brilliant celestial and divine 
+triumph, the Virgin Mother of God is carried up to the 
+3e 'Clauso sepulcro suscitat Matrem, animam eius & corpus maximis donis cumulat'. 
+83 'Animam Matris corpori unit, &? replet excellentissimis donis ac dotibus & anima & 
+corpus; ac statim e clauso sepulchro Matrem educit', NATALIS,OF. cit., p.586. 
+ " 'Egreditur ipsa fulgentissima veste immortalitatis ac glon'a ornata, circumdata 
+varietate donorum, dotium, aureolarum beatarum . . .', Ibid. 
+35 'Extipit illam Filius Deus laetitia ineffabili, & immensa gratulatione', Ibid. 
+3B 'Illi obedientiam & reverentiam exhibent Angeli & alii beati spiritus omnes, Reginae 
+ ac Dominae caeli atyue orbis universi, Matri  Dei omnipotentis', Ibid. 
+='For an effective attempt, see the discussion of the relationship between 
+certain Italian devotional handbooks and paintings of the Annunciation in 
+M. BAXANDALL:Painting and Experience in Flfieenth Century Italy, Oxford [1g72], 
+pp.45-56. 
+heavenly empyrean'38 and so on. While this description may 
+seem to apply particularly to the Leningrad modello, it is no 
+ accident that in all his Assumptions, Rubens shows at  least 
+two different types of angels, and sometimes more (angelicae 
+omnium ordinum cohortes cum sanctis aliis spiritibus psallentes 
+ac iubilantes). Letter Cis placed adjacent to the Coronation by 
+ the Trinity at  the very top of the print. As this moment does 
+not appear within any of Rubens's paintings of the Assump- 
+tion, we need not dwell on it here; but it should be observed 
+that the exceptionally long accompanying adnotatio 
+emphasizes the relationship of the Virgin to each of the 
+persons of the Trinity: she kneels before the Father with 
+whom she conceived her eternal son, before the Son whom 
+she conceived, gave birth to, fed and nourished, before the 
+Spirit cuius operatione tY uirtute Filium Dei conceper~t.~~ Here 
+almost the full range of associations that the Virgin was 
+capable of arousing is evoked; and in order to do so, there is 
+no eschewing of emotive phrases like (Filius) quem conceperat, 
+    genuerat, nut r i~era t .~~ Indeed, this sort of emotive evocation is 
+the hallmark of much of the work. The Virgin's exultant 
+elevation is emphasized, but so is her humility before her 
+Lord. 
+The letter E marks the rocky sepulchre of the Virgin, and 
+in the annotation may be found a partial explanation for 
+Rubens's usual decision to show the tomb as being open 
+(instead of being firmly locked, as in the preceding print): 
+'Once the sepulchre was opened, they did not find the body, but 
+only those things with which she was buried'.41 And it goes 
+on to arouse not only the emotions, but also the senses. That 
+of hearing has already been mentioned; now it is the sense of 
+smell. When one saw the sepulchre, one was put in mind of 
+the fact that the apostles were 'filled with the wonderfully 
+sweet fragrance coming from the tomb; so they lifted their 
+eyes, and bodies and souls upwards to contemplate the 
+resurrection, assumption and glory of the most blessed 
+Virgin . . .'42 
+While it is not necessary to suggest that Rubens followed 
+precisely this text, it should be borne in mind that in these 
+respects all his paintings of the Assumption follow it far more 
+closely than do the engravings by Wierix. There are, it is 
+true, some additional elements in the paintings, like the 
+miracle of the roses (an attractive part of the tradition found 
+in the Golden Legend43 which Rubens found difficult to resist), 
+'Circumvolant Angelicae omnium ordinum cohortes cum sanctis aliis spiritibus 
+psallentes ac iubilantes. Cum hoc triumph praeclarissimo, caelesti, divino evehitur ad 
+caelum empyreum Virgo Dei parens: ei Angeli, & species creatas gubemantes, ti3 
+caelorum motores transeunti genua curvant, & obedientiam &ferunt Reginae suae ti3 
+Dominae', NATALIS,0). cit., p.587. 
+SB 'Genibus nixa divina Virgo adorat trinum Deum t3 unum: Patrem, qui cum Filium 
+aeternum genuisset, eum&m ipsi &&rat generandum; Filium quem conceperat, gcnuerat, 
+lactaverat, nutriverat, subditum in tern's habuerat & obedientiam; Spiritum sanctum, 
+cuius operatione & virtute Filium Dei conceperat', Ibid.; Something like these 
+ notions may also be found in earlier texts - compare, for example, the Golden 
+Legend, ed. cit., p.100. 
+'O As quoted in the preceding note; but cf. also note 60 below. 
+*' 'Aperto sepulchro corfius non invenerunt, sed ea tantummodo, cum yuibus fuit composi- 
+tum & seepultum', NATALIS,OF. cit., p.587; Again cf. p.439 below, and note 68. 
+    Cf. also the Golden Legend, ed. ci t . ,  p.104. 
+'Simul fuerunt odoris suavitate admirabili repleti ex sepulchro spirantis. Ad caelum 
+igitur oculos & corporis & mentis aitollentes toti ,fuerunt in contemplatione resurrec-
+tionis, assumptionis, & gloriae Virginis beatissimae' (continues the quotation in the 
+preceding note). 
+ 43  The Golden Legend, ed. cit., p.89. 
+
+                             A S O U R C E  F O R  R U B E N S ' S  M O D E L L O  O F T H E  
+but these would only have served to enhance the associations 
+ - in this case, for example, of' the sweet smell coming from 
+ the tomb - indicated by Nadal's text. 
+All this is followed in the last chapter of the book by a long 
+   final meditation D e  Virginis Deiparae Laudibus. In  its forty- 
+eight pages (pp.586-636) every aspect of the Virgin's 
+Assumption is dwelt upon in a series of headed paragraphs. 
+Every possible relationship is brought into play, every pos- 
+sible epithet used to describe the Virgin or the significance of 
+the event. Here, for example, may be found the whole range 
+of references to the Song of Solomon, the Old Testament 
+text most frequently drawn upon for its sensual prefiguration 
+of the Virgin and her relationship with Christ, God, and the 
+Trinity44 (it is worth recalling that the basis for the identifica- 
+tion of the Leningrad modello with the project of 161I is the 
+fact that Otto van Veen's rival modello represented 'Christ 
+calling his bride from Lebanon to be crowned', in other 
+ words the Coronation of the Virgin - referred to, as it often 
+was, in terms of the Song of Songs45). Certain passages are 
+analysed at extraordinary length. Each word of the phrase 
+ Ecce tu  pulchra es is elaborated into an expansion of the idea 
+contained in the sentence as a whole, in an almost scholastic 
+way.46 Indeed, the Virgin's beauty forms the main burden 
+of many of these paragraphs, in a manner that seems to the 
+present-day reader to call out for pictorial realization. And 
+so it seemed to Nadal as well, as we may judge from the 
+prefaces.47 He realized, in a way that the writers of other 
+meditational works did not, that pictorial images could take 
+priority over literary ones, and could be used to stimulate the 
+further visualization of everything that was written out at 
+length in these pages. The chapter concludes by listing not 
+only the evangelical but also the patristic statements related 
+            to the A s s ~ m p t i o n , ~ ~and emphasizes the inevitable parallelism 
+between the Virgin and the Church (the VirgolEcclesia 
+               r e l a t i ~ n s h i p ) . ~ ~One could scarcely wish for fuller evidence 
+of the possible range of associations available to the beholder 
+of the images of the Assumption with which we have here 
+been concerned. 50 
+NATALIS,op. cit., pp.591-92. 
+   45  Cf. VAN DE VELDE,op. tit., p.252, note I I ,  for the reference to the modello 
+'quae Dominum nostrum sponsam suam de Libano provocantem ad coronam continet' by 
+van Veen; for the use of the famous passage 'Veni de Libano sponsa mea, ueni de 
+Libano veni: coronaberis de capite Amana . . .' from Cant. 4:8, and its use in the 
+early texts, see A. KATZENELLENBOGEN: The Sculptural Programs of Chartres 
+Cathedral, Baltimore [1g5g], pp.56-60, and the valuable notes on pp.125-30 
+with references not only to the early sources, but also to modern texts dealing 
+with the subject of the Assumption of the Virgin. 
+   46 Thus 'Ecce: rem raram admirabilem singularem; T u :  nulla alia tam pulchra' and 
+   so on, NATALIS, o f .  tit., p.592. Earlier, in his twentieth Coimbran sermon of 
+1561, Kadal had recommended a similar way of meditating on the words 
+'Pater noster qui es', although naturally these offered less scope for visualisation: 
+cf. NICOLAU'S edition of the Platicas Espirituales cited in note 20 above, p.195. 
+Similar, too, are the methods of some of the Spanish mystics, as for example, in 
+St john of the Cross: Cantico Espiritual. 
+  4 7  See especially the passage quoted in note rg above. 
+   NATALIS,o f .  cit., pp.602-15 (the Gospel texts) and 618-36 (the patristic 
+sources). 
+481bid., pp.616-18. Once again, the notes op.in KATZENELLENBOGEN, cit., 
+pp.127-33 provide a valuable fund of sources for the parallelism between the 
+Virgin and The Church in the context of the Assumption and Coronation of 
+the Virgin. 
+50 Although clearly the response of different social groups may have varied 
+considerably; cf. below p.440. 
+                                  A S S U M P T I O N  A X D  C O R O N A T I O N  O F  T H E  V I R G I N  
+The importance of Nadal's work lies in its use of detailed 
+illustrations and the relationship of text to image. But there 
+are other meditational handbooks of the time which, even if 
+they are not illustrated themselves, may be used to cast light 
+  on the response to images. I t  is not only for this reason, but 
+also because several aspects of Rubens's paintings which do 
+not feature prominently in Natalis are further clarified, that 
+it seems worth examining one such handbook. We may turn 
+             to one of the many works by Franciscus C ~ s t e r u s , ~ ~  the D e  
+Vita et Laudibus Deiparae Mariae Virginis Meditationes Quin-
+quaginta,j2 in order to supplement the evidence of Nadal, as 
+well as to demonstrate the relationship of the latter with 
+other writers of the time. 
+The preface to this work insists on the correct method of 
+  contemplation - which it then spells out - but in doing so 
+draws a parallel with the various ways of responding to 
+painted pictures. One could of course respond on different 
+levels, from the superficial to the profound. Coster puts it 
+briefly: 'Just as it is of great import whether we look at a 
+painting casually or intently, in passing or directly, atten- 
+tively or thinking of something else, whether we are moved 
+or we admire the art,j3 so it is of great importance that we 
+meditate on the Virgin with a definite method'.j4 How did 
+this 'method' operate? Although it is spelt out in rather 
+diffuse detail in this preface, it is systematically exemplified, 
+with great precision, in the body of the text. The subject of 
+each of the fifty meditations is carefully divided into its 
+constituent elements. These are further subdivided accord- 
+ing to the various issues they raise: every moment in the 
+event and every emotional juncture is considered, in a strict 
+system of enumeration. Each subdivision beings with the 
+  injunction 'Consider', followed by a series of numbers. I t  is 
+a method (whose origin may be found in medieval handbooks 
+such as those attributed to St Bonaventure as well as in the 
+practice of meditating on the Rosary) which demands that 
+the reader calls up before himself a specific mental image; 
+  and this image then provides the basis for meditation. I t  is 
+the same function which is assigned to the composicidn uiendo 
+el lugar of the Ignatian exercises. By these means, therefore, 
+the work compensates for its lack of physical images; and the 
+system of numbering each division (i.e. each image) and 
+  5 1  On Costerus (recte de Coster, 1539-1619) see E. NEEFFS in Biographie 
+vati ion ale de Belgique, V, Brussels [1876], cols. I 1-16, with an extensive listing of 
+the works by him, and R. HARDEMAN: Franciscu Costerus Vlaamsche Apostel en 
+       Volksredenaar, Alken [ ~ g y j ] .  
+  5 2  FRANCISCUS COSTERUS: De Vita et Laudibus Deiparae Mariae Virginir Meditationes 
+  Quinquaginta, Inglostadt, David Sartorius [ I  5881, I 2' (with an Antwerp 
+Approbatio of I 587). 
+  5 3  This distinction seemed to be especially important to theological com-
+mentators on art in general in the sixteenth century; in the case of an artist 
+such as Rubens it must have seemed crucial (although a modern observer 
+might argue against the existence of the distinction at all). For a similar con- 
+cern over the possibility that the beholder might be more aesthetically than 
+ spiritually moved, cf. the remarks at  the end of the Preface to the Reader in 
+Nadal's work: 'ad spiritualem fructum . . . non satis esse imagines curiose pervoluere, 
+aut illarum artem & pulchritudinem admirari; sed in singulis esse tibi singulos, vel 
+etiam plures dies insistendum, Adnotationum & Meditationum capita sensim perlegenda, 
+meditantium, contemplandum omnes denique orationis partes exercendas . . .' For reser- 
+vations about the effects of works of art by other writers in the sixteenth 
+century, see my article cited in note 26 above. 
+5"Zam vero, sicut permultum refert: quomodo externis oculis pictam tabulam intuearis, 
+leviter, an Jixe; oblique an directe; attente an aliud cogitans; ut movearis, an ut artem 
+admireris: ita ad utilitatem nostrum, multum interest, ut certa methodo hasce de Virgine 
+  meditationes instituamw, affectusque in nobis uarios excitemus', COSTERUS, of .  tit., p. 15 
+
+
+
+
+
+                                                               A S O U R C E  F O R  R U B E N S ' S  M O D E L L O  O F  T H E  A S S U M P T I O N  A N D  C O R O N A T I O N  O F  T H E  V I R G I N  
+each subdivision (i.e. each of the thoughts the former 
+ arouses) corresponds to the use of letters In Nadal - except 
+that the use of numbers enables Coster to be still more precise 
+about every component of the meditational process, a fact 
+necessitated to some extent by the absence of illustrations. 
+The Meditation on the Death of the Virgin is divided into 
+ three sections - on the events preceding her death, on her 
+death itself, and on her In the last section one finds 
+again an emphasis on the sensual aspects of the image. Here 
+too the musical component is emphasized, as well as the 
+glorious light that pervaded the scene, and the sweet-smell- 
+ing flowers spread by the apostles. These are sensual flowers, 
+but they are also metaphysical ones (for they are the flowers 
+of the Virgin's virtues).5s Similarly, the apostles light real 
+torches as they accompany her bier, but divine light 
+('because while she lived the Virgin was the light of the 
+World') 57 pervades the scene, and so on. 
+In the Meditation on the Assumption itself, the first point to 
+consider, according to Coster, is the welcome accorded by 
+Christ to His Mother.58 The emotional component is even 
+stronger than in the related passage in Nadal, but our feel- 
+ings are aroused by dwelling on the same things. Although 
+the description of Christ kissing His Mother and wiping away 
+her tears59 is not to be found in Nadal (nor represented in 
+paintings) it is followed by an insistence on recollecting 
+Christ's relationship with His Mother in His infancy which 
+we have already noted. By these kisses Christ repays those 
+maternal ones frequently given to Him as a child; now he 
+reciprocates His Mother's action in wiping away His 
+childish tears; He recalls how she cradled him in her arms, 
+gave him to suck, nurtured and fostered Him.so There is 
+       5' Meditatio X X X V Z  De Obitu B .  Virginis, Zbid., pp.333-41; divided in sections 
+Ante Obitum (p.333), Zn Obitu (p.336), and De Sepultura Virginis (p.339). 
+56 'Omnes enim cecinerunt divinos hymnos . . .pores spargunt quia Mater Zesu Nazareni, 
+      hoc est, f i r id i ,  virtutum firibus abundabat, suavissimumque ad omnes @les odorem 
+probitatis dt$undebat', Zbid., p.340. 
+57 'Faces accensas manibus suis Apostoli, atque discipuli praeserunt; quia Mater Dei 
+lux mundi dum viveret, nunc calum ipsum nova claritate illustrat, atque inferiorem hunc 
+mundum gloria sua and maiestate illuminat . . .',Zbid. 
+  58 'Considera I .  sanctissimam Virginis animam, simul atque & corpore exivit, a Christo 
+Filw benigne susceptam esse, summaque gratulatione salutat', Zbid., pp.341-42. 
+'quam osculatus est Dominus osculo oris sui, and abstersit omnem lachrymam ab oculis 
+eius' (continues the preceding quotation), Zbid., p.342. 
+60 'Memor enim fuit sibi infantulo ab hac sua Matre frequenter data amoris oscula, 
+dctersas pueriles lachrimas, segue ulnis delatum ab eius collo pependisse eius ubera suxisse, 
+in eius gremio quievisse, multisque oficiis adiutum, fotum, purgatum, eduatum. Tempus 
+  igitur postulare videbatur, ut Matri vices rependeret. T u  hic Matris gaudium con-
+templare', Zbid., p.342. Cf. the much more restrained version of these sentiments 
+in NATALIS quoted in note 39 above. They may depend ultimately on the 
+passage in LUKE XI, 27: 'Blessed is the womb that bare thee, and the paps 
+which thou hast sucked', but there is probably some influence here from the 
+traditional iconography of the Intercession of the Virgin, where she appeals to 
+Christ's mercy by revealing her breast. See the engraving by E. van Panderen 
+after Rubens of this subject, with the caption: '. . . Ostendit Mater Filio pectus et 
+ ubera: . . . Quomodo poterit ibi esse ulla repulsa, ubi tot sunt charitates insignia' (c.  G. 
+VOORHELM SCHNEEVOOGT: P. P. Rubens,Catalogue des Estampes gravies d'apr2s 
+Haarlem [1873], pp.92-93, No.163). The source of this text was a late tenth- 
+century text attributed to the Patriarch Germanos of Constantinople (P.G., 
+XCVIII, co1.399), where the Virgin's breasts are compared to the chalices 
+of the eucharistic sacrifice, but it is actually a quotation from a twelfth-century 
+text by Arnaldus of Chartres (P.L., CLXXXIX, coIs.1725-26), which was 
+      then adapted in the Speculum Humanae Salvationis, Chapter L X I X  (see J .  LUTZ 
+AND P. PERDRIZET: KritischeSpeculum Humanae Salvationis, Ausgabe, Leipzig 
+[1907], pp.297, 301--02). For an illuminating discussion of the motif see 
+  E.PANOPSKY : 'Imago Pietatis, Ein  Beitrag rur Typengeschichte des "Schmerzensmanns" 
+    und der "Maria  Mediatrix",' Festschrift fur M a x  3. Friedla'nder, Leipzig [1g27], 
+p.302. 
+much in a similar mood in the Spanish mystics.s1 The joy of 
+this reunion having been considered, the second considera- 
+tion is the glorious entry of the Virgin into Heaven;62 the 
+third consideration her welcome by the heavenly hosts 
+(with more references to the Song of Songs).63 We wonder at 
+I : the glory accorded to her by the sterile world (an allusion 
+to the desertum referred to in Canticles 6 and 8), 2: the 
+ spiritual delights gained thereby, 3 : the honour she deserves 
+in heaven.s4 
+The next section of this meditation on the Assumption, De 
+Assumptione Corpo~is,~~ need not detain us, but it is worth 
+noting in the light of the long-standing discussion about the 
+distinctions between the Assumption of the Soul and that of 
+the Body.ss This is followed by a section De Corpore non 
+inventos7 which is of more direct relevance to the Leningrad 
+  modello. I t  deals with Thomas's doubt about the miracle (of 
+her passage from the closed tomb) and explains that once 
+the sepulchre was opened, 'nothing was found except the 
+          funeral shroud', in which Christ too had been ~ r a p p e d . ~ e  
+Here is a sufficient explanation for the rolling away of the 
+tombstone in the Leningrad modello, and the careful repre- 
+sentation, in all Rubens's Assumptions, of the examination 
+of the shroud. 
+The final twelve meditations in the book are devoted to 
+each of the stars (the twelve stars referred to in Revelation 
+ I 2 :I) of the Virgin's crown. Each one is taken to signify a 
+particular virtue, from the generic (the first star equated 
+with Fides, the second with Contemplatio) to the specific (the 
+twelfth star seen in terms of the positive aspects of matrimony, 
+De Bonis Matrimonii) .s9 And the symbolic significance of each 
+star is spelt out in great detail. Here the meditative process 
+  and the associative method are carried to greatest length. I t  
+is unlikely that more than a small number of adepts pondered 
+images of the Assumption to the extent of dwelling carefully 
+on each of the stars of the Virgin's crown70 (and many 
+See too, for example, the annotations to Chapter IV (on Cant. 7:8, 'Thy 
+  breasts shall be as clusters of the vine', and 8 :I  '0 that thou wert as my brother, 
+that sucked the breasts of my mother') of the 1647 Dutch translation of ST 
+THERESA'SMeditaciones sobre los Cantares: Bruydegoms Vrede-Kus oft Bemerckinghen 
+      van& lief& Godts. Ghemaeck door de H. Moeder T E R E S A  van ZESUS op sommighe 
+ veerskens van Salomons Sanghen. Met  Annotation vanden Eenu. P. Hieronymus Gratianus 
+. . . Carmeliet; Overgheset uyt dese Spaensche in onse Nederlantsche tale door den Eerw. 
+P. Antonius van Zesus, Carmelit. Discals., Antwerp, Widow Jan Cnobbaert [1647], 
+IS', esp. pp.66-67. 
+ 8e'Considera 2. quam gloriosirs fuerit hic Virginis in coelum ingressus, t3 quam admir- 
+ abilis triumphus', op cit., cosm~us,  p.342. 
+
+ 63  'Considera 3, sanctissimam Matrem in ipsos coelorum aditus a Filio introdutam, 
+
+Filij sui gloriam, loci maiestatem, Angelorum ordines, omnem illius beatissimae regionis 
+
+dignitatem longe maiori gaudio admiratam fuisse, quam olim Regina Saba . . . Ztaque 
+
+admirabundi clamabant; Quae est ista quae ascendit de deserto . . . Quae est ista quae 
+
+progredietur sicut aurora consurgens', Zbid., pp.343-44 (the final two questions here 
+
+from Cant. 8:5 and 6:g respectively). 
+
+  6 4  'Admirantur I. tantam gloriam de huius mundi desert0 ac sterilitate 2. tantas spiritualcs 
+
+  delitias in homini 3. tantos honores Matris, quae a Deo in coelos veheretur', cosm~us ,  
+
+op. cit., p.344, 
+
+ 65  Zbid., pp.345-47.
+
+"Usefully discussed in J. HECHT:
+'Die friihesten Darstellungen der Himmelfaht 
+Mariens', Das Munster, IV [1g51], pp.1-12. 
+  6 7  COSTERUS,op. cit., pp.348-49. 
+Thomas had been absent from the death and burial of the Virgin, and so 
+  ' a  collegis suis Apostolis ceteris obtinuit, ut corpus Virginis exhumaretur, verum apcrto 
+sepulchre, nihil repertum est prater pannos sepulchrales, quales Christus Dominus a 
+mortuis resurgens in monument0 suo reliquerat', Zbid., pp.348-49. Cf. note 41 above. 
+69 COSTERUS,op. cit., pp.364-71. 
+70 This process is probably to be seen as a simplified spiritual version of the 
+ars memorandi; for the extent to which the process could be carried, see P. A. 
+  YATES:The Art of Memory, London [ I  9661. 
+
+                                                               A S O U R C E  F O R  R U B E N S ' S  M O D E L L O  O F  T H E  A S S U M P T I O N  A N D  C O R O N A T I O N  O F  T H E  V I R G I N  
+representations of the Coronation do not show them), but the 
+fact that this was possible at all provides a remarkable 
+demonstration of the psychological complexity of the response 
+to images. Even if subliminal associations, and those which 
+have nothing to do with religion are omitted, the complexity 
+of choice open to the beholder of images in the seventeenth 
+century could not be more clearly attested. 
+Now in purely psychological terms all this is perhaps 
+rather obvious, and the foregoing may seem to be couched 
+in terms of truisms which need not be analysed. But the aim 
+of this article is to show that the response to images is 
+amenable to historical investigation as well, and to a greater 
+extent than is generally recognized. There is no reason 
+(other than the difficulty involved) why art historians should 
+not be concerned with the response of people who did not 
+actually write about such matters.71 But here we are con- 
+fronted again with the full weight of the problems which an 
+analysis of this kind must raise. 
+The two texts I have considered were both written by 
+Jesuits, and for fairly specific groups. Nadal's work was 
+   originally written for a Jesuit a~d ience ,~2  and for novices in 
+particular, while Coster's book was intended for the young 
+(male) members of the Sodality of the Virgin at the 
+College in Douai.73 But we know from the prefaces to 
+Nadal's book that it had a wider circulation than the 
+audience for whom it was at first conceived, and there can be 
+no doubt that the same applies to the work by Coster, one 
+of the most popular and prolific writers of small devotional 
+handbooks in the later sixteenth and early seventeenth 
+ centuries. 74  NOW although both works would only have been 
+immediately accessible to the Latin reading public, they 
+provide evidence of a mode of response which was not 
+restricted to this audience alone. They are not, of course, 
+unique; indeed, their value depends on their very typicality. 
+They may be counted amongst the most representative 
+works in this period of a tradition which has its roots in much 
+earlier meditational methods (there are some striking 
+similarities, for example, with the Meditationes de Vita 
+              Christi attributed to St B ~ n a v e n t u r e ~ ~ )  and which found its 
+expression in a great variety of outlets, ranging from 
+meditations on the rosary to the Spiritual Exercises of St 
+Ignatius Loyola, as well as to the meditative practices of 
+  7 1  I hope to deal elsewhere with further aspects of this problem, and in par- 
+ticular with what may be deduced from the strictures of the literate on the 
+responses of the illiterate. 
+'= See note 19 above. 
+'Cuius Virginis patrocinium, ut alacrius imploretis, has vobis offer0 de vita laudibusque 
+  eius L .  Meditationes ut pro hebdomadarum totius anni numero, cis si placet utamini', 
+COSTERUS,op. cit., p.23 (concluding the 'Praefatio Sodalitati Beatae Virginis Matris 
+in Acquicinctensi Collegii Academiae Duacensis') . 
+     74  Along with Ludovicus Blosius ( I  506-1 565) and Jodocus Andries ( I  588-1658), 
+to name only two of the most popular of all. For Coster and his writings, see the 
+reference in note 51 above; for the others, see note 76 below. 
+75 A useful modern translation is the Meditations on the Life of Christ, an illustrated 
+   manuscript of the fourteenth century, Paris Bibliotfique Nationale, M S .  Ztal. 115. 
+Translated by Isa Ragusa, completed from the Latin and edited by R. B. GREEN 
+  and I. RAGUSA, Princeton [ I  96 I]. For an examination of earlier Netherlandish 
+representations of the Passion which takes into consideration meditational and 
+other literature, and which raises several of the problems outlined here (in 
+addition to raising further notable issues such as the whole question of the use 
+of Old Testament imagery in New Testament contexts), see J. MARROW: 
+'Circumdederunt me canes multi. Christ's Tormentors in Northern European Art 
+of the Late Middle Ages and Early Renaissance', Art Bulletin, LIX [1977] 
+pp. 167-8 1. On the thirteenth-century meditational handbooks, see his p. 167 
+and note 7. 
+the other religious orders.76 But the works discussed here 
+are two of the fullest and most complex handbooks of the 
+Counter Reformation in Flanders, with the clearest exposi- 
+tion of their subject-matter. Nadal's book is, of course, of 
+special relevance, as I suggested at the beginning of this 
+article, not only because of its use of actual images and their 
+relationship with paintings by Rubens, but also because of 
+its sophisticated method of annotating these illustrations. In 
+this it was followed by many other works, such as the even 
+more popular books by Johannes David, Antonio Sucquet 
+and Jodocus Andries, all of which were translated into the 
+vernacular, thus ensuring a still wider audience. But the 
+evidence they provide is much less complete, and their 
+illustrations of a decidedly lower quality.77 The fact that 
+Coster's book was written specifically for youths, rather than 
+restricting its applicability (as one may at first be inclined 
+to think) makes it all the more useful, precisely because it 
+has to spell out all the guidelines for minds not yet practised 
+or proficient in the associative process. 
+At this point one may encounter several objections which 
+ an analysis of this kind is likely to raise. In  the first place, 
+have we not here been dealing with the responses of 
+ theologians or, at  best, the responses which they would have 
+liked to be present in the minds of the populace? In other 
+words, is there not a distinction to be made between what 
+writers such as Nadal and Coster wanted people to think and 
+what associations they actually made? The answer is surely 
+that the distinction cannot have been so absolute that there 
+ was no common ground between them - especially where 
+one is concerned with popular and thoroughly known sub- 
+   7 6  One thinks especially of DAVID'S Veridicus Christianus, Antwerp [I  60 I], trans- 
+lated as Christelycken Waerseggher, de principale stucken uan t' Christen Geloof en 
+ Leven int cort begrijpende, Met  een rolle der deugtsaemheyt daer op dienende. Ende een 
+Schildwacht teghen de valsche waersegghers, Tooveraers, enz., Antwerp [1603], 8'; 
+of his Paradisus Sponsi et Sponsae, in quo messis myrrhae et aromatum ex instrumentis ac 
+ mysteriis Passionis Christi colligenda ut commoriamur. Et  Pancarpium Marianum, 
+  septemtriplici titulorum serie distinctum, ut in B .  Virginis odorem curramus, et Christus 
+formetur in nobis, Antwerp [1607], 8'; and his Duodecim Specula, Deum aliquando 
+       videre desidcranti concinnati, Antwerp [ I ~ I O ] ,  8O (all from the Plantin press); of 
+SUCQUET'S Via vitae aeternae . . . iconibus illustrata per Boetium a Bolswert, Antwerp, 
+         M .  Nutius [ I ~ z o ] ,  8O, translated as Den wech des Eeuwich Levens, Antwerp, 
+  H .  Aertssens [1623]; and of ANDRIES'S Necessaria ad salutem scientia, partim 
+necessitate medii, partim necessitate graecepti, per iconas quinquaginta duas repraesentata, 
+      Antwerp, C .  Woons [I  6541, I 2'; and his Perpetua C m ,  sive Passio Jesu Christi 
+a puncto Incatnationis ad extremum vitae; iconibus quadragemi explicata (together with 
+Altera perpetua crux 3esu Christi a fine vitae usque ad finem mundi in perpetuo altaris 
+sacrificio), Antwerp, C. Woons [1649], translated as Het ghederigh Kruys ofte 
+Passie Zesu Christi, Antwerp, C. Woons [1650]. Most of these received a number 
+of subsequent editions and translations into other languages. The works of 
+David and Sucquet have often been called emblem books, but the description 
+is perhaps not entirely accurate. The above is only a small selection of these 
+author's works; for their other writings, and for concise discussions of their 
+lives, see, in the case of David (1545-1613)~ F. A. in BibliographicSNELLAERT, 
+Nationale de Belgique, IV, Brussels [1873], cols.7n1-32; in the case of Sucquet 
+(1574-1626), A. PONCELET,Ibid., XXIV, Brussels [1g26--291, cols.237-41; 
+and in the case of ANDRIES (1588-1658), AUGUSTIN DE BACKER with C. SOMMER-
+VOGEL and ALOIS DE BACKER,Bibliothlque des Ecrivains de la Compagnie de Jisus, 
+ Lihge-Lyons [1869-761, I, pp.18-20, VII, p.24. Several of these writers - all 
+ Jesuits - are referred to briefly in the work by NICOLAU cited in note 12 above, 
+PP. '74-9 
+  7 7  Although David in particular merits further analysis, for the evidence that 
+may be found in his works of other aspects of the response to images, especially 
+the sorts of allegorical interpretations current amongst the less visually sophisti- 
+cated sections of the public. 
+
+                                                               A S O U R C E  F O R  R U B E N S ' S  M O D E L L O  O F  T H E  A S S U M P T I O N  A N D  C O R O N A T I O N  O F  T H E  V I R G I N  
+       j e c t ~ . ' ~And here a further problem may arise. Clearly, in 
+the case of a subject like the Assumption, where the pictorial, 
+literary, and liturgical tradition is of so wide-ranging a 
+nature it would be impossible to determine all the thoughts 
+which such a subject might have generated, or to isolate 
+them. Social groups must also be a determining factor, and 
+I am aware that I have omitted reflections which could have 
+been engendered by the purely aesthetic qualities of the 
+ work of art concerned - an omission which may be especially 
+serious in the case of Rubens. But despite the particular 
+affiliations of the writers I have considered, they are in- 
+separable from the general cultural matrix, and they offer 
+meticulous documentation of notions which were current 
+but which would otherwise not have been committed to 
+paper (to a large extent because they were taken for granted). 
+  On  the other hand - and here one encounters a third 
+ objection - it might be argued that few would have paused 
+long enough before a particular work of art to make any of 
+the associations suggested above; perhaps, it might be main- 
+tained, most people bestowed no more attention on an image 
+of the Assumption than they do in any small village in one of 
+the Catholic countries now. But we are concerned precisely 
+with those who did pause to look, for however long; and I 
+suspect that this argument is an oversimplification of the 
+question of the response to images, even today. Religious 
+images always partake of at least some totemic or super-
+natural qualities. People may not consciously be aware of 
+ the associations they make when they see an  image; they 
+may even appear to be more concerned with other things 
+  7 8  On the other hand, account has to be taken of the possibility of garbling even 
+the most common and well-established traditions. Just how easily this could 
+happen (in the case of those who were not widely literate but drew on only 
+a few texts for their learning) may be seen in the remarkable example of the 
+miller of the Friuli whose testimony before the Inquisition in the 1580's has 
+been documented by c. GINZB~RG:I1 Formaggio e i Venni, I1 Cosmo di un mugnaio 
+del Cinquecento, Turin [19361. 
+(even if they are not obviously impressed by its aesthetic 
+qualities). But no mind could free itself of all the associations 
+that any image, especially a religious one, generated. These 
+are complex psychological questions, but they have a his-
+torical dimension which art historians have for too long over- 
+looked. Why are some images more venerated than others? 
+What is the relationship between the works of artists acknow- 
+ledged to be great and popular prints? Between art and 
+pilgrimage, art and healing objects and relics, between art 
+ and iconoclasm - to mention only a few possibilities? But 
+such matters must be dealt with separately. Here I have 
+simply been concerned with one aspect of the status of 
+images in the seventeenth century and the response to them. 
+It would be wrong to imply that this is anything else but one 
+of many ways of looking at such problems. 
+In a field already encumbered with a bibliography larger 
+than most, this article is intended to be no more than a 
+proposal of the direction which future research might take. 
+Instead of the manufacture of increasing numbers of attri- 
+butions, or the seeking out of yet more influences (both of 
+which areas have been well developed), one might turn to 
+the more immediate context of the art of Rubens. There is 
+much to be discovered about the ways in which people of 
+all social classes and groups responded to it. Most of the 
+illustrated books and devotional literature of his time 
+remain to be explored and would repay close reading. 
+Examination and analysis of these, as well as of run of the 
+mill graphic production in the Southern Netherlands will 
+yield much not only about popular response to religious 
+subjects, but also about levels of expectation, about atti- 
+tudes to the greatest artists of the time, and so on. The pre- 
+ceding discussion has been intended merely as a sketch of 
+one of the ways in which the vast and still largely unexplored 
+field of seventeenth-century Flemish imagery may be used 
+to illuminate the status of those works of art which are 
+already and rightly well known. 
+         G I N 0  C O R T I  
+The Agdollo Collection of Paintings: an inventory of 1741 
+   T H E  name of Gregorio Agdollo as an art collector in Florence 
+during the late I 730's appears in the printed catalogue of an 
+  exhibition which took place in that city in 1737.~ O n  that 
+occasion Agdollo contributed seven picture^.^ 
+The complete list of his collection is now available to 
+scholar^,^ having been found among the papers of a Floren- 
+tine family. Agdollo's collection was to have been acquired 
+by this family but, as we shall see later, adverse circum- 
+stances prevented this. 
+By the time of the inventory of 24th April 1741, the 
+'Nota dei Quadri e Opere di Scultura esposti per la Festa di Sun Luca dell' Accademia 
+del Disegno nclla loro Cappella e nel Chiostro second0 del Convento dei Padn' della 
+SS. Nonriata di Firenze, Florence [1737]. 
+a FABIA BORRONI SALVADORI: 'Le Esposizioni d'Arte a Firenze, 1674-1767', in 
+  Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorisches Znstitut in Florenz [1g74], I ,  p.136. Five out of 
+the seven works exhibited in 1737 are to be found in the r 741 inventory. 
+See Document No.11. 
+Agdollo collection numbered seventy-eight pictures by 
+thirty-seven artists, all specified except for one case. The 
+predominance of seventeenth and eighteenth-century artists 
+reveals the collector's personal taste, especially for Baroque 
+art. However, the Renaissance was also represented by a 
+few but celebrated names: Schiavone, Sarto, Veronese, 
+Titian. The Baroque examples range from the most famous 
+names, such as Reni, Rubens and Poussin, to minor or quite 
+unknown masters such as Monsieur Pitrt (probably French) 
+whose name I have been unable to find in any of the con- 
+temporary artistic repertories. 
+The number of pictures by a given artist in the collection 
+varies from a maximum of seven paintings to a sihgle 
+example. 
+This inventory is a model of its kind because with rare 
+exceptions it is accompanied by the essential information: 
+the subject represented, dimensions and name of the author. 
+No monetary estimates were made, but for the most import- 
+

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@@ -139,6 +139,8 @@ files:
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